Extract of DRG PAD 2016-2023.pdf

PAD Final – 3/8/2016

Procurement Sensitive (USG Only)

Democracy, Human Rights, and

Governance (DRG)/Senegal Project

2016-2023: “Strengthen Responsive

Democratic Governance”

Project Appraisal Document

Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance Team, General Development Office

USAID/Senegal

March 8, 2015

Please note: Page 1 to Page 42 are missing in this document talibés. This situation makes efforts from the GOS politically sensitive, and decision-makers can be seen tip-toeing around the issue, which surely affects the budget levels dedicated to combating the problem.

● Many law enforcement and judicial personnel are unaware of the 2005 anti-trafficking law, which continues to hinder efforts to prosecute and convict traffickers under the law and to collect data on prosecution and protection efforts.

● A national mapping database has been designed, but the implementation and training of officials for its use remains un-resourced.

4.1.6 Women:

Women in Senegal lack the opportunities necessary to occupy decision-making roles in their communities. They also lack parity in knowledge about paths to leadership and elected positions, and education—which can strengthen leadership skills—compared to men. Senegal is making slow but steady progress towards enacting national policies endorsing gender equity in national and local governing bodies. The implementation of the gender parity law in the recent legislative and local elections ushered in a record number of women to elected government bodies. Women now make up approximately 50 percent in those institutions despite the fact that many are illiterate and hold a small percentage of leadership positions. Though the parity law is laudable in that it has significantly raised the representation of women in the National Assembly and in municipal and regional councils, it has also had the unintended consequence of adding to the number of poorly educated and illiterate Members of Parliament (MPs) in the NA, and further contributing to the inability of the legislative branch to hold the executive accountable.

Furthermore, there are fears that the parity law could backfire due to a relatively higher number of uneducated women in office, with 12.5 percent not having attended formal schooling, and 15 percent having only a primary education.

Though male parliamentarians voted for the parity law, many may not have realized precisely what the new legislation would entail, given their subsequent objection to its enforcement in the 2012 legislative elections.

Nonetheless, the increased presence of women in the NA is an opportunity to ensure that issues of concern to women are raised in Parliament, including broad-based gender equality, education for children, and economic opportunities for youth. With support from USAID’s PACE

(Programme d’Accompgnement Parlementaire et d’Engagement Citoyen), the current cohort of female parliamentarians developed an action agenda called “Parliamentary Oversight and Citizen

Engagement in the Service of Women.”

In addition to elected office, women are active in community-based organizations such as parent-teacher associations, health committees, water management committees, and other civic organizations.

Approximately 39% of women aged 15 years and over are literate, compared to 62% of men. In other words, approximately one out of six women in Senegal (61%) still lacks basic literacy skills.

Sow, Fatou Sarr, President of the Women Leaders and Senegal Caucus, Les premières héritières de la loi sur la parité, Institut

Fondamental d’Afrique Noire, University CAD, 2012.

PACE, RSJ, USAID, ONG-3D, L’accompagnement parlementaire et l’engagement citoyen au service des femmes.

In addition to the parity law, the GOS has taken several positive steps to enact legislation that supports gender equality and female empowerment, though many women’s rights activists have been critical of the government's lack of action in enforcing the protocols, conventions, and other texts that have been signed as a means of protecting women's rights.

Despite various constitutional and legal protections, gender inequality persists in various forms in Senegal, ranging from limited access to credit to the inability of mothers to transmit Senegalese citizenship to children fathered by a foreign national. Perhaps the best evidence of continued inequality has been the limited leadership roles played by women. While evident in the private sector and civil society, it is perhaps most egregious in politics. Senegalese women face “glass ceilings” in various institutions and careers, typically tied to gendered division of labor. The limited representation of women in elected offices (besides seats in the NA), however, fundamentally undermines their ability to advance gender equality. Indeed, even with the parity law in place, political parties, which usually nominate men at the top of their lists, wind up filling more elected positions with men than women.

Politically, Senegalese women are potentially a powerful and important force. Senegalese women have always served as the key organizational force behind all electoral campaigns, and an important constituency that votes in large numbers. Going into the 2012 election former

President Wade recognized their importance, and had a clear incentive to support gender equity in order to win the support of women organizers and voters. He therefore provided funding to a nationwide campaign to educate Senegalese on the purpose and meaning of the new parity law.

In order to capitalize on the legislative advancement of women’s rights, new female parliamentarians will need training, along with similarly poorly educated and illiterate male members of the NA. Moreover, attention needs to be paid to how women are nominated to party lists, to overcome the predominance of male party leaders. Additionally, vigorous monitoring of

Senegal’s new legal commitments to gender equality and women’s rights is needed to ensure

Senegal continues to break down barriers and provides women greater rights such as access to education and health care.

Finally, there are instances in Senegal in which women who were given a chance or took charge had immeasurable socio-economic impact through their advocacy or leadership actions. A noteworthy example is the role played by the Platforme des Femmes pour la Paix. Through a combination of low-level negotiations and public dialogue, it brought about a quieting of the violence in Casamance. The perpetuation of this role is critical to bringing the conflict to an eventual resolution.

Senegal has ratified the main international and regional women’s rights protection instruments. It ratified the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, adopted by the United Nations General Assembly, as well as the additional protocol. Senegal is also a signatory of the African Charter of Human and People's Rights, which was adopted during the 2003 African Union Summit. the GOS developed a national strategy for gender equality and equity (SNEEG) for the period

2005- 2015; and an action plan (2009-2015) involving all ministries.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Convention_on_the_Elimination_of_All_Forms_of_Discrimination_Against_Women http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Convention_on_the_Elimination_of_All_Forms_of_Discrimination_Against_Women

The national commission on land reform is about to publish a report that is expected to be useful in supplementing our understanding of the constraints faced by women around land tenure issues.

4.1.7 Youth:

The most recent national census indicates a population of more than 13.5 million persons, estimated to increase to 19 million by 2025, with a staggering 62 percent under the age of 24.

Young people ages 15-24, have limited economic opportunities and suffer from an unemployment rate of 14.8 percent.

National estimates indicate that 269,000 youth enter the workforce annually yet the formal sector creates only 30,000 jobs per year in Senegal. One study estimates that unemployment levels for youth are around 61 percent for youth, compared to 49 percent for the rest of the population.

In general, youth in Senegal suffer disproportionately from lack of opportunities or socioeconomic mobility, poor access to services, malnutrition, and exploitation. The formal education system at the secondary and postsecondary levels does not equip graduates with the right skills to succeed in the marketplace. Senegal’s growing population and urbanization rate, with 41 percent of its population in cities being one of the highest in sub-

Saharan Africa, presents the government with an extremely serious challenge to create jobs that offset the decline in agricultural labor.

Thus, youth comprise the largest segment of Senegal’s population, and increasingly feel marginalized economically and politically. Unemployed, alienated, and understandably disenchanted, youth living in Senegal’s urban slums are particularly prone to violence and crime.

“The slums have become recruiting pools for illegal drug traffickers and/or terrorist groups because their populations are mobile and have low social and political cohesion.”

There is concern, therefore, that Senegal’s youth bulge could become a destabilizing force if not provided more opportunities for employment and representation.

Youth discontent began to manifest itself publically during a youth rally in Dakar demanding massive changes in their living conditions on March 19, 2011, the anniversary of Senegal’s first alternation in power 11 years earlier. If left unaddressed, youth marginalization constitutes a potential threat to stability. However, youth may also be an asset for development when they are included and afforded opportunities. Both extremes were on display during the lead up to the

2012 elections as evidenced by various violent protests that were mirrored by concerted, organized, rallies demanding change and voicing youth concerns over their living conditions.

USAID views youth as agents of change and potential catalysts for development, rather than mere recipients of aid. Harnessing that potential, therefore, is the best alternative to youth turning to violence or simply negative contributors to the economy.

2013 Rapport National Sur La Situation De L’Education, pp. 57-58

Central Intelligence Agency. “The World Factbook, https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sg.html

Agence Econfin, L’emploi des jeunes au Sénégal: la solution via les TIC et les PPP, OSIRIS, September 5, 2014.

USAID Urban Assessment Senegal. EGAT/Office of Infrastructure and Engineering, Urban Programs Team

USAID/Washington. November, 2010. PP. 15-17.

https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sg.html https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/sg.html

During the previous Wade presidency Senegalese, youth played a critical role in the various pro-democracy and good governance movements throughout Wade’s second term and during the electoral process. Despite the increased political engagement, youth still lack representation at the national and local government levels. As the DRG Assessment explained, “Senegal’s socio-cultural system, underpinned by norms, rules, values, beliefs, and stereotypes, is unfavorable to the formal political participation of young people. Their access to decision making is limited because, due to their age, young people are considered too inexperienced to have useful views.”

Civil society and government both have a role to play to open the political process up to youth’s active participation, and to allow their concerns to be heard and valued as important issues to address, some at local levels, others at the national level.

Within the Casamance region, youth have also suffered disproportionately during the 30 plus year conflict that plagues the region. Addressing their needs and encouraging their political potential will be crucial to the stabilization and peace building process in Casamance.

Further analysis can be found in Annex X: Youth Analysis.

4.1.8 Private Sector Engagement

Sustainable economic growth is an accelerator for the promotion and development of DRG principles. In fact, economic opportunity for an under-utilized workforce, like a strong democratic governance system, can unlock the constraints that impeded Senegal and USAID’s development objectives.

The private sector which is the engine for economic growth is a key stakeholder in promoting transparency, accountability, and efficient governance.

Effective governments deliver a wide range of critical services for citizens, including providing security, setting and enforcing rules and regulations, and furnishing public goods. The private sector’s ability to flourish also depends on these governance issues. If weak governance restricts a company’s business activities, the company’s costs of inaction are extremely high. An alliance that supports good governance can put partner resources to use where governance is weak, and can reinforce local reform efforts. In turn, the private sector benefits from a more transparent and supportive business environment.

Senegal benefits from private sector alliances and business associations that understand this inter-relation. The private sector in Senegal is also engaged as a main player in local development, and can be part of the solution in tackling issues such as conflict mitigation at the community level in the Southern region, political processes and election agenda, trafficking in persons, women, and youth.

Democracy, Human Rights, and Governance Assessment of Senegal – Final Report, January 2013, page 18.

See, for example, the analysis of Senegal by USAID economist, David Kauper, February 2016.

Engaging the private sector is necessary to sustainably improve Senegal’s capacity to address citizen needs and deliver services. The local, regional, as well as international private sector, is playing an increasing role in delivering “social based” community services in health, water, education, agriculture, alongside local and national governments. Unfortunately, USAID has encountered some obstacles, especially through its economic growth activities, caused by a mind-set that has not shifted responsibilities for implementation and provision of goods and services to private sector actors. This is especially true among local government officials. In fact, a large proportion of the DRG project participants will be members of the different levels of the private sector—many have contributed to the design of this PAD. For example, virtually all sector basic services that will be targeted under the DRG project involve some private sector providers and associations.

Key civil society advocates and social auditors may include professional associations and small businesses with an interest in a particular sector or group of citizens. The private sector can be a compelling voice in reform efforts. Public sector reform can be encouraged when the private sector, a source of investment, employment, and economic growth, makes the case for change.

Furthermore, the policy reform agenda, as it relates to democratic governance strengthening issues, should necessarily include the private sector at the dialogue level as well as in the identification of key priorities and the implementation phase regarding resource mobilization and collection, capacity building activities, systems and implementing solutions. Monitoring, Information and Communications Technology, citizen mobilization and participation, innovation, and workforce development are all areas where the private sector can contribute to increase citizenship engagement, strengthening local government effectiveness, and improving government transparency and accountability.

Abiding by USAID’s “Do No Harm” principle will also require that the DRG project consider the private sector’s role in service delivery in health, education, and water services, and agriculture, to reinforce democratic governance reform, rather than disrupt it. For example, Teranga Gold in Kedougou is a private sector player that influences dramatically the local governance ecosystem and can, therefore, not be overlooked, but must be included as a potential contributor to the achievement of objectives set in the PAD.

In order to have systematic private sector engagement through the DRG project, its motivations and interests must be taken into account in the project approach. The DRG team identified three main motivators for the private sector (For more on potential partners for private sector engagement under the DRG project, see Annex XX Private Sector Engagement):

The private sector has a core business interest in a given issue : example : the telecommunications industry’s stake in transparency and accountability; A major economic player’s stake in the local governance schemes; a youth oriented customer base company’s interest in creating an emotional link between his product and the youth ;

a private sector firm specializing in rural area water services delivery has interest in working more closely with the users association and the community; A health clinic franchise intervening in “decentralized’ areas aims to target the base of the pyramid/ last mile customers; etc.;

An alliance of private sector enterprises may want to weigh in on a public policy reform or advocacy area targeted by the DRG project when an issue may be better addressed by a large number of business constituents rather than single companies;

Philanthropic action: Usually foundations or Individual entrepreneurs wishing to do good actions benefiting the community, or improving their brand’s image.

4.1.9 Critical Partner Institutions

The Project is designed to support GOS decentralization, democratization, and reform efforts.

USAID/Senegal plans on sustaining a strong, active partnership with the GOS as an underlying factor to success. Actions and statements made by key GOS decision-makers indicate that the government is committed to the goals of this Project, especially the elements involving integration, collaboration, and mentoring and coaching on sustaining local development gains.

This project seeks to support Senegal’s efforts in improving and integrating good governance principles and practices into key development sectors and institutions such as health, education, water and sanitation, and democratic institutions and agencies. Those efforts require partnering with key governance actors, particularly government institutions and agencies.

4.1.9.1 Government of Senegal:

USAID will partner with the national government to enhance its capacity to carry out institutional responsibilities; spur transparency; administer free and fair elections; and engage with different stakeholders for addressing development challenges and priorities. Depending on the sector of interest, specific structures will be targeted as both partners and beneficiaries of our action.

The Ministry of Good Governance (known by its official title: Ministère en charge de la promotion de la bonne gouvernance, de l’intégration africaine et du NEPAD)will remain a principal counterpart under the DRG’s Assistance Agreement with the GOS and on all good governance efforts, but in particular, with regards to leadership in completing the transposition of the code of transparency, which requires the adoption of such laws as a freedom of information act and a financing of political party law. A joint steering committee involving civil society, the

NA, the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Justice is being set up to draft the bill and submit it to the council of Ministers. The DRG project will also prioritize engagement with the

NA, OFNAC, and similar oversight agencies. OFNAC and the NA received assistance through

USAID’s PGP and the PACE activities respectively. Continued support is planned under this

PAD, pending availability of funds.

The partnership with the Ministry of Interior and the CENA for elections and political competition domain will be maintained and reinforced in anticipation of an upcoming referendum and of presidential and legislative elections. Currently, a local partner (ONG 3D), through the PACE activity, is engaged with the Ministry of Interior, and is in the process of

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