6 CSP Ad Hoc Report 14 - ELCA - North Shan State.pdf

USAID COMMUNITY

STRENGTHENING PROJECT

(CSP)

AD HOC REPORT 014

NORTHERN SHAN STATE: ETHNIC LITERATURE AND CULTURE

ASSOCIATIONS

MARCH 2020

This report has been written by DAI Global LLC as part of the Community Strengthening

Project, and is therefore the exclusive property of the United States Agency for

International Development (USAID). The authors’ views in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government.

Table of Contents

1. Introduction

2. Methodology

3. Background

4. Organizational Structure

4.1 Executive Committee

4.2 Establishment of Executive Committees

4.3 Sub-Committees

4.4 Decision-Making

4.5 Women’s Participation

4.6 Youth Participation

4.7 Funding

5. Intra-Associational Connections

5.1 Central Executive Committees (CECs)

5.2 Township-Level Committees

5.3 Village-Level Committees

6. Activities

6.1 Literature

6.2 Culture

6.3 National Registration Process

7. Civic Engagement

7.1 Drugs

7.2 Internal Displacement

7.3 Intra-ethnic Dispute Resolution

8. Inter-Associational Participation

9. Interaction and Cooperation with Key Actors

10.1 Government

10.2 Tatmadaw

10.3 EAOs

10.4 NGOs/CSOs

10. Limitations and Needs

11. Endnotes

1. Introduction

As northern Shan State comprises a variety of ethnic groups, ethnic-based associations play an important role in the community. Ethnic Literature and Cultural Associations (ELCAs) with a long history in their respective communities continue to impact society. While ethnic groups such as the Colon Lishaw, Gurkha, Kachin, Kokang, Lahu, Lisu, Mone Won, Myaung

Zee, and Wa have their own associations, the Shan, Kachin, and Ta’ang LCAs are the most prominent across northern Shan State, and are the most active across all five townships surveyed: Hsipaw, Kutkai, Kyaukme, Lashio, and Namtu. Lisu, Myaung Zee, and other smaller communities are in the process of building strong ELCAs but face many limitations.

Available evidence suggests that the activeness of each ELCA depends on several factors, including its geographical location, scope, and its financial capacity. These factors explain why

ELCAs can initiate many activities in one township but not in another. In this context, the present report aims to provide information regarding the nature of these associations, their general and specific functions within and across communities, their crucial role in decision-making and conflict resolution, their relationship with other key actors and present cooperation, and their limitations and needs.

2. Methodology

This report is based on key informant interviews conducted in five townships: Hsipaw, Kutkai, Kyaukme, Lashio, and Namtu. These townships include areas under the control of ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and of the government. Interviewees identify with nine ethnicities: Gurkha, Kachin, Kokang, Lahu, Lisu, Myaung Zee, Shan, Ta’ang, and Wa. Twenty-eight key informant interviews were conducted with a total of thirty interviewees. A minimum of four interviews were conducted per township. The largest number of interviews (nine) were done in Lashio Township, where most of the associations are headquartered. Most of the interviews were with the executive members of ELCAs, but a few were with CSO representatives who work with the ELCAs. Seven of the 30 interviewees were women. The small number of female interviewees is because relatively few women are members of the executive committees of the ELCAs. Youth are also underrepresented among the interviewees, since youth are rarely appointed to executive posts; only three interviewees were youth. Two focus group discussions (FGDs) were also held, one with four members of a Kachin LCA and one with six members of a Ta’ang LCA.

The information collected from the key informant interviews and the FGDs is used to provide insight into the nature of ELCA functions.

Table 1: Number of interviewees by ethnicity1

Ethnicity Gurkh a

Kachin Kokang Lahu Lisu Myaung Zee

Shan Ta’ang Wa

Number of interviewees

1 5 1 1 6 1 8 6 1

Table 2: Number of interviewees by township2

Township Hsipaw Kutkai Kyaukme Lashio Namtu

Number of interviewees

6 4 6 9 5

3. Background

All ELCAs present in northern Shan State functioned underground until it was possible for them to operate openly and officially as associations. All ELCAs are licensed by the Union

Government’s Ministry of Home Affairs and are officially recognized as national level (or central) associations. Township level associations are not generally licensed separately at the township level but are considered branches of the central association. There are no district-level associations, as township level ELCAs generally feel that it is more effective to make contact directly with the Central Committee the to go through an intermediary, thus cutting out one of the major roles that the district level would play.

ELCAs are profoundly important to their constituent communities who rely on them to respond to their needs. ELCAs were primarily established to preserve and develop the language, literature, history, customs and cultural heritage of the relevant ethnic group, but more recently, some ELCAs have begun working to promote the socio-economic development of their respective communities. Smaller groups like the Lisu and the Myaung

Zee have the additional goal to be known and recognized widely by the public due to the small size of their populations. For example, the Maung Zee LCA is seeking representation in the State Hluttaw through the creation of an ethnic minister or informal spokesperson for the ethnic group, seeing this to raise awareness of their distinct identity and concerns.

Two Shan LCAs also aim to promote social cohesion as part of their missions. All ELCAs are politically unaffiliated and have internal policies forbidding the discussion of politics within the association, with the objective of preventing internal political conflicts and ensuring that the ELCAs can represent all members of their communities, irrespective of their political views or affiliations. This position also highlights the awareness that politics can cause divisions not only within ELCAs, but also within the ethnic communities.

4. Organizational Structure

The map below shows township locations of ELCA respondents in northern Shan State.

Some associations work at from village to central-level, while others may only have an association at the township or district level.

4.1 Executive Committee

ELCAs have similar organizational structures; they each have an executive committee composed of a chairperson, one or more vice-chairperson/s, secretaries, joint-secretaries, auditors, treasurers, accountants, and other members for specific issues or tasks. Most

ELCAs have an executive committee in each township, except for the Myaung Zee LCA which only has a Central Executive Committee. The number of people on the executive committee depends on the association’s policies. In general, there are 10 - 25 persons in the executive committee, but the Shan LCA in Lashio Township has as many as 45 executive committee members. This is because the Shan LCA in Lashio Township has one vice-chairperson and one secretary for each of its nine sub-committees. Most ELCAs have only one chairperson, but all the township level Kachin LCAs and the Ta’ang LCA in Kyaukme have more than one chairperson. The advantage of such a structural system is that it ensures there is a chairperson always available to deal with any needs of the township level association. In addition to the executive committees, Shan LCAs have patrons who play an advisory role in the association. At all levels, the residents of the area belonging to a specific ethnic group are automatically considered as members with no need to formally join the

ELCA or be elected. However, it is rare for such community members to be active at the township and state ELCA levels. Most of the work at those levels is done by the executive committees who then relay relevant decisions to the village level and thus to the ordinary members.

4.2 Establishment of Executive Committees

Members of executive committees are selected by community members through an electoral process. Representatives from wards and villages are first nominated by their respective ethnic communities, with elections organized to choose between these nominees. The elections may take one of two forms. In the first form, the chairperson and vice-chairpersons are chosen from among the nominees and directly elected by the relevant ethnic community. The elected persons then select the remaining members of the executive committee with the implicit agreement of the community. In the second form of elections, all members of the executive committee are directly elected and then choose the chairperson and vice-chairpersons from among themselves. Although ELCA elections often only entail voting by elderly and respected persons from the respective ethnic communities in towns and villages, some ELCAs allow one or two representatives from religious-based associations (e.g., the Kachin Baptist Convention and the Lisu Christian Association) to take part in their elections. ELCA elections are usually organized by the incumbent township level executive committee, but the Lisu LCA elections are sometimes organized by the state level executive committee.

The Myaung Zee LCA in Lashio Township is a unique case; the association has not held a single election in the 10 years it has been functioning. The LCA’s founder simply assigned educated and Burmese-speaking people as members of its executive committee.

Depending on the specific ELCA, executive committee members are elected for a term of two, four, or five years. The average term is two to three years, with a maximum limit of ten years. However, these term-limits are rarely respected in practice, either due to security challenges to hold elections or a lack of candidates. Most ELCAs express concerns about people’s unwillingness to assume these roles, particularly the position of chairperson.

The work of ELCAs is done on a voluntary basis and executive committee members often pay out of their own pockets to support the association.

Most ELCAs do not set specific criteria for executive committee membership, with the exception that the individual must be recognized as belonging to the relevant ethnic group from birth. The Shan LCA in Lashio Township additionally requires candidates for chairperson to have ten years of experience in the association. Despite the absence of formal requirements, ELCAs generally elect people who can speak Burmese and their ethnic mother tongue well, have leadership potential, and are respected and well-known by the community. The necessity to speak Burmese language is because executive committee members frequently interact with government officials, the Tatmadaw, and other ELCAs, and support members of the community in their interactions with these entities; Burmese is the lingua franca of such interactions.

4.3 Sub-Committees

The ELCA sub-committees highlight the priorities of these associations. The sub-committees that are most commonly found in ELCAs include: 1) fundraising, 2) language teaching, 3) cultural promotion and preservation, 4) youth, and 5) women. Additional ad hoc sub-committees are sometimes established to organize specific communal celebrations. The

Shan LCA in Lashio Township has the highest number of sub-committees (nine), reflecting its size and sophisticated organization. In contrast, the absence of sub-committees may indicate limitations in the ELCA’s organizational structure or functions, such as in some of the Lisu LCAs and the Myaung Zee LCA.

4.4 Decision-Making

Decision-making is by the executive committee at the township level without interference from the state or central level bodies. Some ELCAs refer to an “inclusive decision-making process” in which decisions are made in meetings with most executive committee members present. Other ELCAs which are unable to convene members easily may allow the chairperson to make decisions on minor cases unilaterally or together with any number of available executive committee members. Certain matters require inclusive decision-making;

agreement of most executive committee members is required to approve funding decisions.

This form of decision-making is most clearly seen in highly centralized associations, such as the Myaung Zee LCA.

The executive committee decide when to hold executive committee meetings. Not all

ELCAs organize regular meetings, due to transportation costs and potential security concerns. In these cases, meetings are held only when necessary. Larger, more prominent and financially-capable associations hold regular meetings, in general twice a year.

4.5 Women’s Participation

As ordinary members of the ELCAs, women work as volunteer or paid language teachers, participate in communal celebrations and perform at government-sponsored events and celebrations. Women’s participation in the executive committees of ELCAs varies, and their duties often involve preparations and organizing performances for communal celebrations.

In certain ELCAs, such as the Lisu, Myaung Zee, and Ta’ang, very few women have a leadership role. The Myaung Zee ELCA Chairman observed that the principal limiting factor is women’s weaker Burmese, due in part to their limited education in Burmese-medium schools. In contrast, women’s participation is more common in the Kachin, Kokang, and

Shan LCAs. Some Kachin, Kokang, and Shan LCAs have women’s sub-committees, while some also have female leaders. For example, the chairperson of the Kutkai Township Shan

LCA and the vice-chair of the Hsipaw Township Shan LCA are both women. Kachin LCAs have the highest level of participation of women across all townships and ethnic groups.

More women’s participation in the ELCA executive committees correlates with a greater focus on activities that include work on domestic violence, rape cases, and trainings on women’s rights. As this shows, there would be value in promoting greater female participation at the leadership levels of these associations as an effective way of engaging with women’s rights and issues relating to the status of women in their communities.

Moreover, the reach of the ELCAs into the local communities and the opportunities they represent to begin taking on leadership roles at a local level make them a good venue for capacity building and developing women’s leadership skills.

Addressing barriers to female participation through targeted and structural support systems and the creation of more systematic connections, including frameworks for sharing useful contacts, could help promote female leadership. Working with women themselves to develop their skills and capacity, as well as their confidence in their ability to take on leadership roles could also be beneficial.

4.6 Youth Participation

Youth leadership in ELCAs is rare, with only the Myaung Zee LCA having any youth on the executive committee. Youth participation in ELCA activities is usually limited to sports events, performances in communal celebrations and state and national events, and language teaching. Youth appear to be more active in ethnic youth-led CSOs and philanthropic associations rather than in ELCAs, most likely because these CSOs offer more opportunities for personal and professional development. Some of the CSOs are also able to pay their youth leaders and activists, while ELCAs generally do not have the funds for this. For example, educated Ta’ang youth are actively engaged with the Ta’ang Student and Youth

Union, Ta’ang Women Organization, and Ta’ang Education Institute, but notably not with the Ta’ang Literature and Culture Association.

One potential strategy to enhance youth engagement with the ELCAs and community decision making processes through them would be to provide opportunities for personal and professional development, and to engage directly with youth concerns. Building linkages and developing shared activities between ELCAs and CSOs and/or ethnic youth associations could be effective to this end. Designing activities and opportunities around youth needs to prioritize livelihood efforts and the high levels of youth migration out of the areas, however, may limit the availability and capacity of youth to engage with ELCA activities in a consistent manner, with challenges to take on longer-term leadership roles.

4.7 Funding

ELCAs attempt to charge their members annual dues ranging from 1,000 MMK to 5,000

MMK; few people pay the fees due to limited resources. As a result, ELCAs lack a regular and sufficient source of funds. The ELCAs that manage to have sustainable funding tend to hire permanent staff (clerks) with monthly salaries, allowing for more regular programming.

Except for the payment of ethnic language teachers and teaching assistants, ELCAs in northern Shan State do not report receiving funding from the government or international organizations.1

This funding model means that the ability of ELCAs to work for their community is directly proportional to the community’s financial capacity. Associations that can draw on donations from prominent businesspeople within the community tend to have more reliable funding.

For example, the Kokang and the Shan LCAs based in larger townships of northern Shan have a strong source of funding from businessmen in those ethnic constituencies. Some

ELCAs have developed other sources of funding. For example, the Shan LCA in Lashio

Township rents a hall as a source of income. The Kachin LCAs (both township and state level) in Kutkai Township receive funding from the Kachin Public Company in Shan State,3 and unofficially from the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the Kaung Khar militia. The Kachin LCA in Namtu Township has borrowed funds from the Kachin Baptist

Church and plans to open a traditional restaurant as an additional source of income.

Overall, it is rare for ELCAs to engage in business ventures to raise funds. Other irregular sources of funding include: fundraising events and selling items with ethnic emblems during communal celebrations; donations from high-ranking officials in the Union Government during visits; and prize money received for ethnic performances at events organized by the

Tatmadaw.

Almost every ELCA admitted to difficulties with the financial sustainability of the association and the need for executive committee members’ contributions to support activities. The

Lisu, Myaung Zee, and Ta’ang LCAs face greater financial limitations than the other ELCAs active in the five surveyed townships. These associations report difficulties paying for the transportation and meals of ethnic people attending their union- and state-level activities.

5. Intra-Associational Connections

5.1 Central Executive Committees (CECs)

Although township-level ELCAs generally work and act independently, they are nonetheless linked to a corresponding central executive committee (CEC). The CECs of northern Shan

State ELCAs are spread across both Kachin and Shan States: Kachin in Myitkyina; Lisu in

Bhamo; Shan in Taunggyi; Ta’ang in Namhsan; and Myaung Zee, Kokang and Wa in Lashio.

The chairpersons and vice-chairpersons of township level associations are automatically considered executive committee members of their respective state and central level committees, attending meetings and participating in elections. The Ta’ang and Wa CECs have national assemblies every four years. Issues that cannot be solved at the township-level can be reported to CECs, but most ELCAs note that this rarely happens. Kachin, Ta’ang and

Shan ELCAs are required to provide financial support to their respective CECs.

1 UNICEF funds the development of ethnic language curricula but does so through the government. The

ELCAs do not receive direct funding from UNICEF for their activities or direct support on curriculum development.

The Myaung Zee LCA is a comparatively more centralized association. There are no township level associations; instead the CEC has direct links with individual township representatives or the village heads of Myaung Zee villages, and everything is done with the knowledge and instructions of the central committee. The decision not to establish any associations beyond the central body sets the Myaung Zee ELCA apart from its contemporaries. It has also resulted in a more tightly knit and focused association. Whereas in other ELCAs there may be differences in priorities and a lack of cooperation among township level associations, the Myaung Zee LCA has clear organization-wide policies and priorities in relation to promoting education of the Myaung Zee people and representing their interests.

The CECs are most prominent in the implementation of the Union Government’s policy on language training in townships and villages. The CECs are responsible for developing the relevant materials, which they sell to the township level associations. They also provide trainings for language teachers and trainers. Finally, CECs help township level associations with applications for government funding for language teachers. Despite this mandate, most

ELCAs claimed that they do not receive support from their respective CECs.

5.2 Township Level Committees

Chiefly independent, township level committees often only interact with each other when preparing for state-wide events, such as the state level traditional New Year festival or ethnic national day, or during state or central level meetings. Some ELCA chairpersons admitted that they had come into contact for the first time during the research process conducted for this report. It is possible to extrapolate that there is little to no interaction between township committees across all ELCAs.

5.3 Village Level Committees

Like township level executive committees, villages have autonomous ELCAs. Village level committees do not interact directly with the CECs; instead, township level executive committees serve as the liaison between the two levels. Village level ELCAs work with their corresponding township level committees when organizing communal celebrations or other national or ethnic occasions. Other village level affairs are resolved locally and rarely reach the township level. Township level executive committees may call on village level representatives for meetings once or twice a year or for elections, but such participation is highly variable based on available funding for transportation and security conditions for travel.

Village level executive committees are often involved in local dispute resolution (particularly of disputes within their own communities) due to their status as community leaders and the

ELCAs’ role as guardians of customary knowledge and customary law. This role is taken on at the request of the parties to the dispute or their families and is often carried out in association with Village Administrators and Village Elders and Respected Persons (groups which may, of course, overlap with the membership of the ELCA executive committee).

6. Activities

The number and type of activities an ELCA conducts primarily depends on its financial capacity and human resources. The following activities are the most commonly conducted by nearly all ELCAs across all surveyed townships.

6.1 Literature

Ethnic language teaching was prohibited under previous government administrations. During this time, monks and religious associations discreetly conducted language courses through religious institutions. In the 2016–2017 fiscal year, the Ministry of Ethnic Affairs (MOEA), in collaboration with the Ministry of Education and ELCAs, included budget support and an action plan for ethnic language teaching. The following year, the MOEA began assigning language teachers and teaching assistants to each township; ethnic minority language classes were taught in public schools after regular school hours.4

Township level committees send requests for teachers in their towns and villages either directly to the township Department of Education or through their respective CECs. The government provides 30,000 MMK monthly salaries for the language teachers and 90,000

MMK for the teaching assistants. Either central level ELCAs or township level committees may be responsible for teacher training, while the CECs provide the teaching curriculum.

Some ELCAs have complained that government-sponsored language teaching programs struggle with a shortage of teachers, a lack of textbooks, or unpaid teachers.

Many ELCAs also organize separate language teaching programs, generally consisting of one-to three-month-long summer language schools for children taught by volunteer teachers.

Other language-related activities include Ta’ang LCAs holding language competitions on

Ta’ang Literature Day, while the Shan LCA in Kutkai Township has organized Dhamma schools which teach both religion and language.

6.2 Culture

All ELCAs organize traditional ethnic festivals at the township, state, or national levels.

Festivities for traditional new year's days and ethnic national days are organized solely by

ELCAs, while some religious festivals such as Christmas and Easter are co-organized by the

ELCAs and their affiliated religious institutions. A notable exception is the Kachin Baptist

Church, which co-organizes and often leads preparations for cultural events instead of the

Kachin ELCA. These events showcase cultural dances and performances and are generally open to communities from various ethnic backgrounds across nearby villages and townships;

different ELCAs often invite each other to participate in the festivities. However, the current armed conflicts have resulted in fewer such events being held in recent months.

6.3 National Registration Process

Government policy dictates that applicants for National Registration Cards (NRCs) must present a recommendation letter5 from their respective Village Administrator or community leaders as part of their requisite documents. In many cases, ELCAs have assumed responsibility for this task.

In general, ELCAs provide recommendations with few challenges. However, the Lisu face specific concerns with the national registration process.6 In spite of recommendation letters by Lisu LCAs, few Lisu receive NRCs identifying them as “Lisu,” ostensibly because many older Lisu possess documents identifying them as “Lishaw,” a term not included in the official list of Myanmar’s national ethnic groups. There are anecdotes that some Department of Immigration officials demand up to 300,000 MMK to include the designation “Lisu” in an applicant’s NRC; a notable exception is the head of the Department of Immigration in

Hsipaw Township who reportedly grants all Lisu their respective designation without coercion. Individuals without Lisu included on their NRCs are restricted from running for the office of Lisu Ethnic Minister or voting for that position; all Lisu LCAs and the central level committee are advocating to address this issue at the union-level.

ELCAs may also accompany members of their ethnic constituency during interactions with representatives from the Department of Immigration, principally to address language barriers. Many ELCAs note that administrative processes in non-Bamar majority areas would be facilitated if local government offices were staffed by ethnic minority civil servants and/or assistants.

7. Civic Engagement

Available evidence suggests that all ELCAs assist their constituent communities in sectors beyond their mandates even with their limited capacities, particularly with issues relating to drugs, internal displacement, and intra-ethnic dispute resolution.

7.1 Drugs

Given the pervasiveness of drug production, transport and use across northern Shan State, ELCAs inevitably play a role in drug elimination and rehabilitation efforts. The police sometimes request ELCAs to assist in organizing public talks on drug use and ELCAs are often the first point-of-contact for any drug-related incidents when an individual’s ethnic identity is known. ELCAs have at times cooperated with CSOs to address drug-related issues; the Kachin LCA in Namtu Township collaborated with an anti-drug association to conduct a rehabilitation camp.

7.2 Internal Displacement

ELCA involvement in IDP responses is unusual in that it is self-initiated by the ELCA rather than a reaction to a request. Responding to immediate IDP needs is a more visible area of activity, whereas ELCAs tend to provide support but in less obvious ways in other realms.

Support from ELCAs is crucial for internally displaced persons (IDPs) and their ability to access basic services. The local ELCA is among the IDPs’ first point-of-contact upon displacement. ELCAs often serve as the liaison between IDPs and local authorities, working with the township General Administration Department (GAD), CSOs and other relevant associations to assist IDPs with essential services or movement away from active conflict areas. ELCAs generally work independently from each other to assist IDPs from their own ethnic groups by providing items such as food and clothing.

Some ELCAs have been able to provide additional services for IDPs. For example, the

Ta’ang LCA in Namtu Township accompanies IDPs who wish to return to their original villages located in EAO-controlled areas. The LCA has at times coordinated with its Shan counterparts for escort support when travelling to or through Restoration Council of Shan

State (RCSS)-controlled areas. In another example, the Kachin LCA in Kutkai Township enters active conflict zones to escort residents trapped in these areas to safety.

This engagement with IDPs means that ELCAs can play a crucial role in helping IDPs have a voice in communal decision-making in their host communities. ELCAs can act as a mediator in intra-ethnic disputes (see below), as well as providing a forum for IDP engagement. For long-term IDPs, recognition of membership in the community and participating in its activities may be a way for the IDPs to interact with the host community, raise their concerns, and participate in decision-making. More immediately, the role of ELCAs as a venue for dispute resolution makes them a tool for addressing problems between IDPs and host communities. This may also apply where IDPs are present for a short period and need an interlocutor to engage with local authorities and the local community.

7.3 Intra-ethnic Dispute Resolution

In general, disputes between members of the same ethnic community are first brought to

ELCAs as a more time- and cost-effective resolution process than formal dispute resolution mechanisms. The most common intra-ethnic issues addressed through ELCAs involve marriage and land disputes. Parties go through formal dispute mechanisms only when they cannot come to an agreement or reject the decision by the ELCA.

While ELCAs can be an effective and common conflict resolution process, there are some challenges to relying on ELCAs for dispute resolution. In marriage-related disputes, ELCAs use customary laws which may undervalue women’s rights or disproportionately favor the

Case Study

There was intra-ethnic conflict between the Kachin IDPs and the (Kachin) host community Near Nam Hpat Ka sub-township in Kutkai Township. The IDPs complained of discrimination by the host community: IDPs were paid lower wages, their children were bullied in schools, and IDPs were not allowed to use the forest or its resources owned by the host community. To address the situation, the local

Kachin LCA, in collaboration with IDP representatives, Village Tract Administrators, and local militia, facilitated dialogue between representatives of the two parties. The resulting compromises included: local teachers would no longer discriminate against

IDP students; IDPs could use the wood from the forest but could not sell it; and IDPs were to be accepted as villagers of the host community. Relations improved to such a degree that IDPs and the host community collaborated in future years in initiatives to reduce drug use.

male disputant. ELCAs may also be unable to take decisions in religiously sensitive disputes but may request the support of religious institutions, particularly in Kachin and Lisu communities. In general, residents of villages tend to have a higher reliance on ELCAs in dispute resolution than urban residents.

8. Inter-Associational Participation

Ongoing ethnic-based conflicts negatively impact social cohesion in northern Shan State. In this context, ELCAs are uniquely placed to facilitate multi-ethnic initiatives in efforts to reduce inter-ethnic tensions; however, the few efforts they have conducted have been ineffective to this end.

The presence and influence of EAOs in villages serves as a deterrence for communities to interact with each other and for ELCAs to promote social cohesion activities. In the event communities were to interact, EAOs may accuse community members of providing opponents with information and target ELCAs as the organizers. There are more inter-ethnic interactions in urban areas where EAOs have less contact and influence.

ELCAs have nevertheless coordinated with each other for government-sponsored ceremonies and meetings. In Lashio Township, the township GAD and local authorities may also call on ELCAs to assist with town hall meetings and to resolve some community-level disputes. These interactions are generally led by third parties, such as the government, the

Tatmadaw, or CSOs and NGOs.

ELCA-led social cohesion initiatives are uncommon across all townships. The main reason for this is likely to be that ELCAs do not see social cohesion activities as a core part of their mandate. The focus on preserving and promoting literature and culture predisposes them to focus inward on their own community, rather than outward to interactions with other communities. This is not to say that ELCAs are not interested in or see the value in social cohesion activities, but only that such activities are not seen as a community-driven priority given limited financial resources.

Rare examples include cooperation among ELCAs to address issues of forced conscription or arrests by EAOs and the organization of an inter-ethnic football match by a Shan LCA to celebrate Shan Day in Kyaukme Township. Various ELCAs in Kyaukme Township have also submitted a joint letter to the state government requesting land for a shared office building.

Despite these examples, ELCAs admit that they have never intentionally met and discussed joint responses to the needs of their combined communities. Cooperative action in this regard does not seem to be something the ELCAs have considered. This may be a result of their lack of capacity and so the difficulty of organizing such cooperation. It may also reflect a general lack of strategic thinking among the ELCAs. Actions are taken in response to the immediate needs and requests of the community rather than as the result of long-term planning or detailed assessments of needs and strategies for addressing these needs.

9. Interaction and Cooperation with Key Actors

9.1 Government

While there is interaction between the government and ELCAs at the township, state, and union levels, the most frequent interactions are between ELCAs and their respective township GADs. Township GAD offices may invite ELCAs to meetings with township officials and at times with CSOs and NGOs; the nature of these meetings is often specific celebrations for state or national holidays. Central level ELCAs are also often invited to attend union-level celebrations. ELCAs are often required to prepare ethnic performances for these celebrations; most ELCAs state that they bear the costs of their own participation at times.

9.2 Tatmadaw

Interactions between the Tatmadaw and ELCAs focus on cultural events and activities and are found nearly exclusively in Lashio Township. For example, ELCAs are often invited to the Tatmadaw’s Thingyan Festival celebration in Lashio, and in January 2020 the Tatmadaw

Northeastern Command in Lashio Township requested a group of local ELCAs to construct traditional houses in a military compound for use as a recreational park.

The central level Wa LCA has the most interactions with the Tatmadaw among all other

ELCAs in Lashio Township; Tatmadaw MPs have even raised perspectives of Wa communities in sessions of the State Parliament, likely based on information from the Wa

LCA.

9.3 EAOs

The contested nature of governance and territorial control in northern Shan necessitates that ELCAs must interact with EAOs. The most common interaction between the two parties is around forced conscription or arrests; an ELCA in Namtu Township has attended meetings with EAOs to specifically discuss forced conscription and taxation. In other

Case Study

In Kutkai Township, a Tatmadaw battalion requested the assistance of a

Kachin LCA to learn the native language of the local community to enhance communications. Given the time which would be needed to master the language, the Kachin LCA instead prioritized teaching the Tatmadaw representatives about Kachin customs and traditions. Through these lessons, both parties were able to resolve a recurring issue in which Tatmadaw officials would arrest Kachin community members for possession of weapons, when it is a local Kachin custom to carry knives in daily life and for ceremonial purposes. Based on their new knowledge of the customary significance of this practice, the Tatmadaw agreed to stop arresting Kachin for carrying knives.

examples, the Myaung Zee LCA sent an official letter to the Public Relations Office of the

Shan State Progressive Party (SSPP) when seven Myaung Zee were allegedly arrested by the armed group, while an ELCA in Kyaukme Township approached an EAO to discuss the safety of language teachers while traveling through contested areas.

The exception to these cases are the Lisu LCAs, who report no connections with any EAO.

This lack of relationship with EAOs results in their feeling particularly vulnerable to forced conscription, targeted arrests, and shootings, and without a means of speaking out against such incidences.

9.4 NGOs/CSOs

There is a limited relationship between local CSOs or NGOs and ELCAs. There are few, if any, cases of direct support by local CSOs or NGOs to ELCAs, though ELCAs are invited to attend community development meetings or public talks on topics such as mine risk awareness and health. ELCAs have at times helped local CSOs translate material for community development projects from Burmese to ethnic minority languages.

10. Limitations and Needs

A lack of finances is the primary challenge faced by ELCAs, preventing them from effectively addressing the varied needs of their communities. ELCA executive committee members must balance their own profession and the association’s activities, often self-paying for ELCA initiatives. Members prefer not to attend meetings when ELCAs cannot cover transportation costs. In addition to financial obligations, executive committee members lack key organizational and financial management skills. Some ELCAs - and all Lisu ones - lack adequate office space from which to plan or conduct their activities.

11. Endnotes

1 Note these figures do not include FGD participants.

2 Note these figures do not include FGD participants.

3 The Kachin Public Company in Shan State operates a drinking water plant in Muse, a restaurant in Nant Phat Kar, trashing picking service in Kutkai, and maize plantations in other townships. Not all Kachin LCAs receive funding from the Kachin Public Company.

4 It is assumed that this program is legally rooted in the National Education Law, enacted in

September 2014.

5 Proof that an individual belongs to a specific ethnic group since birth.

6 As mentioned by Lisu LCAs in all five surveyed townships.