Attachment_2-_Gender_Analysis.pdf

This report was produced for review by the United States Agency for International

Development (USAID). It was prepared under contract with Checchi and Company

Consulting, Inc. for USAID/Afghanistan’s “Services under Program and Project Office for

Results Tracking Phase II” (SUPPORT II) project.

GENDER ANALYSIS

SUB-NATIONAL GOVERNANCE (SNG)

OCTOBER 2013

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Activity Signature Page

This report was contracted under USAID Contract Number AID-306-C-12-00012, Afghanistan Services under Program and Project Office for Results Tracking Phase II

(SUPPORT II).

This Activity was initiated by the Office of Program and Project Development (OPPD) under the SUPPORT II project.

Assignment Title: Sub-National Governance Gender Analysis

Activity Start Date: August 13, 2013

Completion Date: October 10, 2013

Checchi and Company Consulting, Inc.

Kabul, Afghanistan

Disclaimer:

The views expressed in this report are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID, the Government of Afghanistan, or any other organization or person associated with this project.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

I. Executive Summary

II. Introduction

1. Project Background

2. Gender Analysis Purpose

3. Methods and Limitations

III. Findings

1. Workplace Environment

a. Perceptions of Gender Equity

b. The Impact of Opinion Leaders

c. The Reputation Tightrope

d. IDLG and Policy

e. The Impact of Leadership

f. Isolation and Marginalization in the Work Place

h. Inequitable Access to Resources

2. Functions and Capacity

a. The Different Roles of Male and Female PCs

b. Training and Learning

3. Women’s Access to Government

4. Donor Coordination of Gender in SNG

IV. Conclusions

V. Recommendations

Annex I: Bibliography of Documents Reviewed

Annex II: Main SNG Donor Funded Programs in Afghanistan

Annex III: Interview Guides

Annex IV: Leadership Support for Women by Location iii

ACRONYMS

AASHA Alliance Against Sexual Harassment at the Workplace

ASGP Afghanistan Subnational Governance Program (UNDP)

ASI Adam Smith International

CDC Community Development Council

DFID Department for International Development (UK)

DI Democracy International

EVAW Elimination of Violence Against Women

GIZ German Development Cooperation Agency (formerly GTZ)

IARCSC Independent Administrative Reform and Civil Service Commission

IDLG Independent Directorate of Local Governance

KCI Kabul City Initiative

MAB Municipal Advisory Board

NDI National Democratic Institute

NGO Non-government Organization

NPP National Priority Program

NSP National Solidarity Program

PBGF Performance-Based Governors’ Fund

PC Provincial Council

PCO Provincial Council Office

PDC Provincial Development Committee

PG Provincial Governor

PGO Provincial Governor’s Office

RAMP-UP Regional Afghan Municipalities Program for Urban Populations

SNG Sub-national Governance (or Government)

UNDP United Nations Development Program

I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

The purpose of this gender analysis is to ensure that Afghan women have equitable opportunities to participate in, contribute to, and benefit from USAID’s subnational governance (SNG) activities by mainstreaming gender. Data collection was conducted from

August 16 - September 16, 2013, and included over 100 field interviews, a literature review, document review, and site visits to eight provinces.

The findings of the gender analysis consider how the operating environment shapes gender dynamics in SNG; the degree to which women in SNG are capable of performing their roles and their capacity restraints; the extent to which women are represented in decision-making;

and how gender equity is affected by SNG structures in Afghanistan, and how it links to democratic reform efforts. The analysis considers women working in SNG as well as female constituents.

Women are a small minority of the civil service at the SNG level, typically employed in menial positions such as cleaners or guards for women. The Civil Service is not on track to meet its 30% female representation by 2013. Nevertheless, women are employed in government offices in the provinces, often for the first time, if in small numbers so far. They are found in the greatest numbers in municipalities, to a lesser extent in Provincial

Governors’ Offices (PGO), and almost never in Provincial Council Offices (PCOs). In provincial line ministries, women are most frequently employed in the Departments of

Women’s Affairs (DoWA), Departments of Public Health (DoPH), and as teachers for the

Departments of Education (DoE), but are far less represented in other ministries.

Nonetheless, it appears that even small numbers of women employed in a work place can alleviate some of the challenges that deter other women from joining, such as the threats to a woman’s reputation for being the sole female employee working among men, and the support women can provide each other in the work place. Internship programs that aim to include

50% women are an effective means of getting small groups of women hired together, and promote retention of female staff.

A major deterrent to women from working in SNG institutions is fear of the cultural disapproval rooted in the prevalent view that women or girls who work with the government are “dishonorable.” Women in public life walk a reputation tightrope in which their reputations are used as tools to prevent them from accepting positions, to oust them from positions, and as a means of coercion. Indeed, sexual harassment is prevalent in SNG workplaces and is a serious hindrance to recruiting and retaining female staff. While some progress has been made on this front with the introduction of guidelines for a national anti-sexual harassment policy from the Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG), it is anticipated that an enormous amount of support will be required to see this policy fully articulated with procedures and enforcement accountability, and implemented in provincial and municipal governments.

In addressing these deterrents, interviews point to the pivotal role of religious leaders and elders as influencers of male family members, community members, and men working in

SNG institutions who contribute to inhospitable and sometimes hostile work environments for women in SNG. Stakeholders interviewed frequently cite the need to engage with mullahs as a foundational step in changing attitudes and behaviors of male SNG staff and community members. In addition, leaders such as provincial governors and mayors who have changed the tone for their local government’s approach to women’s inclusion by fostering policies and actions that facilitate the recruitment and retention of women, have demonstrated the critical impact of supportive leadership for engaging more women in SNG positions.

There is a distinct difference between the views of males and females regarding the issues that limit women’s participation in SNG. While women are at the formal decision-making table, they frequently feel excluded from real decision-making processes, which take place behind the scenes. Yet while it was found that female councilors are far more restricted than males in their capacity to provide oversight to development processes and government, one of the mandated roles of a provincial councilor, they nevertheless perform highly in another mandated role, that of serving as a bridge between the government and the people, interacting extensively with female constituents in particular.

Stakeholders interviewed routinely cite insecurity as a barrier to women’s participation in

SNG and to their access to government services. Insecurity restricts the mobility of both female constituents as well as female politicians’ ability to reach their constituents. This weakens the government’s legitimacy while it strengthens informal governance bodies of the insurgents. Insecurity is not always perceived as a result of threats from insurgency activity, but is often attributed to the local cultural environment, such as the risk of being harassed when walking outside or for working in an office with men. Stakeholders feel that issues like harassment could be changed if influential community members, like mullahs, were engaged to support women’s access to SNG.

A plethora of training (including “gender training”) has been provided though previous SNG donor programs; while women interviewed express the need for capacity building that will enhance their performance as political representatives, many believe that training needs to be complemented, or replaced with alternative methods such as coaching. It was also found that there is weak institutional capacity within IDLG in mainstreaming gender equity objectives as gender efforts are addressed largely within (short-term) project-based activities.

Afghanistan’s fundamentally centralized system of government presents numerous challenges to women’s participation in SNG. For example, political currency may be required to access and influence the governor (an appointed position trumps provincial in wielding power), but due to cultural dynamics, female councilors have not been able to cultivate this access. As a result, it is more challenging for them to effectively advocate for their constituents. Although the quota reserving 25% of elected positions at the provincial level has increased the number of women in provincial councils, their power is minimal in comparison to people in appointed positions; women’s representation in appointed positions such as governor, deputy governor, district governor, and mayor is minuscule. The cascade effect is that the absence of women in powerful SNG positions (appointed rather than elected) limits female citizens’ access to government. In the absence of citizens’ access to government, citizens circumvent the government, thus contributing to instability.

The lack of donor coordination in SNG overall, and towards gender in particular, has resulted in missed opportunities to use gender mainstreaming as a mechanism for broader governance reform. While UNDP, DfID, GIZ, and the World Bank also finance national SNG programs, coordination among SNG donors has been poor in general, and even poorer in activities that attempt to normalize gender-based inequities. While donors share information informally, a formal donor coordination mechanism that mainstreams gender could foster strategic complementarities, reduce redundant efforts, and promote links between programs.

In light of findings from this analysis, the following recommendations are offered for SNG projects to ensure women’s equitable participation in and benefit from USAID resources.

1. Make a concerted effort to complement and augment UNDP’s Afghanistan Subnational

Governance Program (ASGP II) municipal Citizen Service Centers. The Centers present a unique opportunity to make SNG work for women as female-friendly, as places of employment, and as a way for female citizens to access SNG. USAID could pilot a front-line referral system for female constituents to relieve female PCs of this duty so they can focus their attention on governance. Activities may include collaboration in recruiting and training gender-balanced staff, supplying interns, supporting implementation of anti-sexual harassment policies and codes of conduct, and supporting outreach efforts to women.

2. Engage local religious leaders, community elders and influencers to support women’s presence in and access to SNG. Activities may include exposure trips to other respected

Muslim countries for Afghans to interact with progressive religious scholars and augment

The Asia Foundation’s Traditional Leaders Development project.

3. Reduce reliance on “gender trainings” targeting women and embark on an educational initiative with clearly defined and measurable objectives targeting men.

4. Include an internship program with a 50% quota to place groups of females in municipalities, PCOs, PGOs, and line ministries. In addition to on-the-job skill development, 1 This quota has recently been decreased to 20%.

the internship should include training in practical application of computer skills, work place etiquette, life skills, and human rights, particularly those of women.

5. Coordinate with the World Bank and DfID to support a target quota of 25% new merit-based managerial appointments allocated to women in civil service tashkil positions (rather than project positions) and increase the percentage of females receiving salary top-ups.

6. Work with IDLG on the following:

Restore the 25% quota for women on PCs;

Create gender indicators and collect sex-disaggregated data;

Create a strategic plan, activity plan and work plan that donors can contribute to, rather than simply implementing donor-driven activities; and

Articulate the anti-sexual harassment policy, including procedures and enforcement mechanisms, and provide technical support for implementation.

7. Establish a gender working group for donors of SNG projects to identify complementary activities and opportunities.

8. Integrate gender indicators into performance-based spending and other discretionary funding mechanisms within SNG projects, including accountability and enforcement measures to ensure women’s equitable benefit.

9. Conduct an audit of female-friendliness within PCOs, PGOs, and municipalities to assess physical spaces and facilities; access to resources such as computers, transportation, training opportunities and security; the extent to which female constituents feel that SNG is accessible and female officials and employees feel that the workplace is equitable for women and men.

10. Provide technical assistance to an equal number of female and male provincial councilors to increase their effectiveness in monitoring and evaluating development projects.

11. Create opportunities for female provincial councilors to have more exposure to constituents by proactively ensuring equitable access to transportation and security supported through project funds.

12. Provide technical assistance to females working in positions of authority within SNG to build their political acumen: navigating decision-making channels, diplomacy, and negotiation.

2 Tashkil refers to government direct-hire positions.

II. INTRODUCTION

1. PROJECT BACKGROUND

The development of Subnational Governance (SNG) and the pursuit of gender equality are both components of Afghanistan’s National Development Strategy (ANDS) and its

Constitution. The Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG) is responsible for establishing and enforcing subnational governance policy, including a new policy issued in

2010 that specifically calls for enhanced participation of women and youth in subnational governance.

USAID/Afghanistan has supported a number of SNG programs in the past ten years including the Kabul City Initiative (KCI), the Regional Afghan Municipalities Program for Urban

Populations (RAMP-UP), the Performance-Based Governors Fund (PBGF II), and Stability in Key Areas (SIKA).

2. GENDER ANALYSIS PURPOSE

In Afghanistan, women’s limited and inequitable access to local and international resources is well-documented. The situation is particularly pronounced in municipal and provincial government offices in which few to no women are employed in technical and professional positions delivering services to citizens; as a result, few to no female citizens avail themselves of services of municipal and provincial governments. The purpose of this gender analysis is to ensure that women have equitable opportunities to participate in, contribute to, and benefit from USAID resources in SNG projects. The gender analysis contains recommendations on how women can contribute to strengthening the subnational government system, including municipalities with enabled fiscal planning and processes at the subnational level; more efficient, effective and accountable service delivery through improved sub-national management processes, and enhanced linkages between the central authorities and the sub-national government actors. These recommendations are cognizant of the need to implement SNG activities without creating unintended, sustained negative or harmful effects for either women or men.

3. METHODS AND LIMITATIONS

Fieldwork for the gender analysis was conducted from August 16 through September 16, 2013. The analysis was conducted by an international gender specialist and two Afghan gender specialists who conducted field interviews in a number of provinces, including

Nangarhar, Ghor, and Kabul, and with stakeholders from Baghlan who traveled to Kabul. In order to capture information from women in provinces considered more insecure (and as a result, are less-surveyed), an Afghan research firm was contracted to conduct surveys in

Wardak, Badghis, Faryab, Ghazni, Kunar, Logar, and Zabul. These interviews were conducted by individual females and teams of male/female couples using an interview guide created by the international consultant. Interview guides are contained in Annex III.

Interviews were conducted with male and female employees of municipalities, PGOs, and

PCOs, including mayors and deputy mayors, and provincial governors or their deputies;

provincial councilors and provincial development chair persons; provincial representatives of the Independent Administrative Reform and Civil Service Commission (IARCSC); Directors of Women’s Affairs; advisors and implementing agencies; and members of Municipal

Advisory Boards (MABs). The analysis included over 100 interviews and group discussions.

III. FINDINGS

1. WORKPLACE ENVIRONMENT

A number of conditions shape women’s access to and participation in SNG, including perceptions among both men and women of women’s political participation; the extent to which men and women can access resources; the pivotal role of opinion leaders in women’s access to and participation in governance; physical spaces and facilities for women; and the definitive impact of provincial and municipal leaders commitment to gender equity.

a. Perceptions of Gender Equity

There is wide variation in how men and women perceive female provincial councilors and the degree of equity between male and female councilors. Male councilors perceive women’s participation, privilege, power, and access to resources as equal to or as greater than men’s.

For example, a PCO employee claims that males and females are treated equally. “We work collaboratively and respect each other’s opinions,” he claims.

A number of men go so far as to say that women have even more privilege than men in the same role. A male PC member claims that within his PC women are usually given preference, a sentiment echoed by a governor who says that “women get more priority and are respected more than the male councilors…they have the same degree of power.”

One mayor claims there is no difference in how women are treated in the municipality, and that the female employees have no “problems” in the workplace. While the mayor may not recognize a “problem,” the municipality’s only two female employees are deeply dissatisfied.

Despite their education and experience they are stationed in a tiny room, isolated from other staff, with no real work or responsibilities. They are seeking employment elsewhere. This situation illustrates the dramatic disconnect between male and female perceptions over the issues contributing to women’s lack of participation in SNG. The men who do acknowledge inequitable treatment typically believe that women create their own limitations. As one governor states, “the problem comes from the women themselves. From the moment they are born, they think they shouldn’t leave home, they shouldn’t work.” This inability to differentiate between limitations that are culturally imposed and those that are self-imposed is common.

In contrast to men’s perceptions, female provincial councilors perceive themselves as marginalized and denied access to resources. While male colleagues exhibit polite social behavior in public, these same colleagues exclude women from the real decision-making processes. One female PC member says that female PCs are not consulted unless the men

“absolutely have to.” Another female PC member recounts an instance in which female councilors were not informed of an Independence Day event organized by the governor, but male councilors were invited to participate and make presentations. She says that this gives the impression to constituents that female councilors are not serious about their position and do not want to participate. The result is that male councilors look more important and influential to constituents.

b. The Impact of Opinion Leaders

Afghan society is characterized by collective thinking rather than independent thinking and individual decision making. It is thus no surprise that opinion leaders significantly impact family, community, and workplace supportiveness for women working in SNG. Both male and female interviewees believe that local clergy are formative in shaping public opinion and attitudes towards women’s roles in public life; unfavorable opinions of women in SNG are attributed to the messaging of mullahs. The vast influence of mullahs is confirmed in a recent

Citizen Perception Survey in which residents of all regions report that local religious leaders are more trusted than any other authority figure, and an overwhelming 72% of residents in the

East indicate that they have the most trust in local religious leaders.

3 IDLG’s gender advisor emphasizes the important connection between people in the districts and the maliks and village elders, saying they need to be on board to help negotiate women’s participation. The gender team within IDLG is adamant about training mullahs in the mosques so they can reach others “because people actually listen to the mullahs. There is a captive audience five times a day.” However, they also believe that the way “gender” is discussed and promoted in

Afghanistan feels like a foreign agenda and not Islamic, so religious leaders are against it.

“They think gender will make women against Islam. This needs to be addressed.”

A number of interviewees voice the opinion that religious leaders and the men they influence

- men working in SNG and heads of households - need to be the target of awareness programs on women’s rights according to Islam and subsequent behavior change interventions. “The awareness programs we have seen only address women,” laments one

Director of Women’s Affairs. “The donors do trainings but they don’t invite the men or the scholars. We need experienced trainers who can explain women’s rights from all aspects, not just saying ‘it’s the law’. They have to communicate why this is necessary in a way that improves harmony in the family.” One mayor claims that he is encouraging donors to conduct training for men so they understand how to behave with women because “they don’t behave well.”

3 USAID/SUPPORT II, Citizen Perception Survey, Kabul, August 2013

c. The Reputation Tightrope

The honor/shame culture of Afghanistan places the burden of an entire family’s honor squarely on the shoulders of women, while men are at liberty to define what honor and shame are. In Afghanistan, women’s honor is commonly used as a tool for coercion. It is commonly said that women walk a “reputation tightrope” when they enter public life, referring to the practice of slandering their personal reputations to keep them “in their place,” to humiliate them, and to put pressure on their families to force them to conform or resign from their position.

As women are a very small minority in SNG, they are easily targeted.

One PC member says she had to deal with retribution when she did not vote for the council chair who was elected. She explains that when female PC members oppose men, their lives are made difficult and they risk a reputation smearing campaign. She says that if they protest, “things might go the way they were in the past,” referring to women being completely shut-out of public life. Even at IDLG in Kabul, women navigate a fine line around the preservation of their reputations and “honor.”

d. IDLG and Policy

Although IDLG has a gender unit, it has taken a passive role in working toward gender equity objectives. Most activities dealing with gender are donor-driven, planned and implemented by project-based staff. Project advisors generally view IDLG’s gender unit as having minimal capacity and no budget to do anything beyond the donor projects. Nevertheless, some project-based activities have contributed to the development of institution-wide initiatives, including a national gender policy for the General Directorate of Municipalities (GDMA).

Sexual harassment is, however, one issue that IDLG has begun to recognize as a serious hindrance to female staff. In fact, the need for action on this issue is included in IDLG’s most recent strategic plan. IDLG recently published guidelines for a national anti-sexual harassment policy. The brevity of the document and lack of substance would indicate that it is not an earnest attempt at policy, but rather a PR ploy. Nonetheless, if a donor were to offer substantive technical assistance and support to articulate procedures, enforcement, and implementation, IDLG may have little choice but to rollout substantive social policy.

In 2009, Pakistan, a country with similar social constructs, backed anti-sexual harassment legislation. Impetus came from an NGO, the Alliance Against Sexual Harassment at the

Workplace (AASHA), a cohesive coalition of partners, each taking a very specific role in implementation. Even before legislation passed, implementation had begun on a voluntary basis among organizations that recognized the benefits of providing a working environment

4 The practice is apparently common for women working in a variety of sectors and is noted in the USAID Higher Education Program

(HEP) Gender Analysis conducted in 2012.

that is female friendly and in which employees are treated with dignity. By 2010, over 300 companies and 50 government ministries and federal agencies had implemented the Code of

Conduct. While formal statistics had not been gathered, AASHA anecdotally reported an increase of female employees of between five and ten percent within organizations adopting the Code of Conduct within the first year.

Deep structural issues within IDLG hinder gender mainstreaming objectives. Interviewees in the provinces report little contact with IDLG beyond receiving salaries; IDLG itself acknowledges that it has only recently begun to monitor its offices in the provinces, and has only conducted monitoring visits in six provinces.

IDLG’s strategic plan for monitoring and evaluation lacks a robust gender perspective. Although it does include some gender indicators, it would benefit from more support in collecting sex-disaggregated data.

e. The Impact of Leadership

Across locations visited, it is apparent that the degree to which provincial and municipal leaders are committed to gender change contributes to creating enabling conditions where women can succeed in SNG. Provincial governors and mayors set the tone for the local government’s approach to women’s inclusion by fostering policies and actions that facilitate the recruitment and retention of women. Alternatively, when leaders are indifferent or actively hinder women’s success, the SNG structures have few female employees and hence, few females accessing services from SNG institutions. Accordingly, organizations contracted by donors to work with municipalities face significant resistance in conducting activities aimed at gender equity when the SNG structures are not actively supportive.

The following example illustrates the close correlation between supportive municipal and provincial leaders and women’s presence and participation in SNG. In one province, the governor has made women’s participation an explicit priority of his government and has taken proactive measures to involve women in government. His actions have increased the number of women working in the PGO from two to five (out of 15 total staff) within one year. He aspires to increase the number of women working in line ministries as well. He has frequently publicly expressed support for women’s participation in public life, including on television, and has taken measures to increase girls’ school enrollment. The province has an active commission for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (EVAW) Law, chaired by the governor. The DoWA director for the province reports a positive working relationship with the PGO; her office is actively included and consulted at the behest of the governor.

“This governor wants to improve things for women,” says one municipal employee. “It’s not only my perception; all the women have a good impression of him.”

5 S. Savage, Women’s Economic Opportunity Policy Assessment, USAID/FIRMS, Lahore, September 2010.

6 Interview, with IDLG, September 14, 2013 7 Presentation, Gender Mainstreaming, RAMP-UP West, GM Working Group meeting, August 25, 2013

Based on field interviews, SNG leadership can be categorized as follows:

Supportive Leadership: Baghlan, Ghor, Badghis, and Faryab.

Moderately Supportive/Poor Enabling Conditions: Ghazni, Logar, and Wardak.

Lack of Leadership Support: Kabul, Nangarhar, Kunar, and Zabul.

A summary of each province and municipality’s supportiveness to women is in Annex IV.

f. Isolation and Marginalization in the Work Place

The scarcity of women working in SNG serves as a deterrent to other women. Many SNG offices have no female employees at all. One PGO briefly had a female employee but she quit because she was uncomfortable being the only female - a situation not uncommon across locations visited. Nonetheless, the number of women working with SNG institutions has grown in recent years, representing a significant change from the previously all-male domain of SNG institutions. Women have been slower to be hired in most provincial line ministries, with the exception of DoWA, DoPH, and as teachers in the DoE. Women employed in SNG typically work in low-level positions such as cleaners, clerks, and entry-level administrative positions.

Among the many challenges of attracting and retaining female staff, the minimal presence of other women is primary. With women employed at the lowest levels, predatory behavior and power imbalance expose them to the very real threats of sexual harassment and rumors spread that would compromise their reputation. Many women who do work in SNG institutions find themselves both emotionally and physically isolated. In one municipality, two women were assigned to work together on an archive system when they were hired, although one was hired for human resources. Once the archive work was completed they received no further assignments. “I haven’t done anything in HR since I was recruited,” says one. In an effort to make the women comfortable the mayor physically separated them from the male staff; the unintended consequence is that the HR employee is excluded from interaction with HR colleagues, and therefore excluded from meaningful work. More women were recently hired into the municipality, and the women report an increased level of comfort with more females in the workplace.

Not only does the presence of multiple women offer solidarity, but it also provides role modeling. “Just seeing women working in the PCO, PGO, hospitals, and offices shows that they are capable. It paves the path for other women,” says one Director of Women’s Affairs.

Even with small groups of women, both the perceived and real threats for sexual harassment and their reputation appear to be reduced.

SNG employers typically cite women’s lack of education and skills as the reason for the lack of female staff. Well-designed internship programs have proven effective in providing on-the-job acquisition of skills and exposure to the work environment. Project-based internship programs such as the one implemented by RAMP-UP is recognized by stakeholders as an effective approach to introducing small groups of women into an all-male or predominately male work environment. The 2013 performance evaluation of the NDI-implemented SNG project reports that “virtually every provincial councilor” found the project’s internship program to be of benefit.

The Female Youth Employment Initiative pilot project in Balkh, implemented by EQUIP at the Ministry of Education and funded by the Adolescent Girls

Initiative of the World Bank, combines workplace training skills with life skills such as personal financial management, negotiation skills, leadership and confidence-building that support young women to succeed in a work environment.

h. Inequitable Access to Resources

Distribution of and access to resources are the most common ways in which women describe being marginalized. Female provincial councilors report being denied access to vehicles, guards, computers, stipends, office space, and other resources. Female councilors in one province claim that men have up to ten bodyguards and a car, but women have only one guard. Each councilor is supposed to have two. Other female councilors explain that men enjoy greater access to donor-funded training opportunities for councilors.

Inequity is also apparent in the allocation of physical space. In PCOs that have a shortage of space, women bear the brunt. In one PCO, women councilors share one small room with five

PCO staff. Meanwhile, the building’s guards have a room to themselves, and approximately a quarter of the overall available space is taken up by the (male) PC Chair’s large office, which other male councilors use for meetings. Another PCO is an exception to inequitable allocation of space and facilities; male and female councilors and staff enjoy sufficient office space and separate toilets.

Municipalities visited have inequitable facilities and space for women. The Pul-i-Khumri municipality has ten toilet stalls all for men and none for women, despite the presence of seven female staff. The women use the men’s toilets when no men are around. The

Chakhcharan municipality has only one toilet with men sitting near the doorway. Women employees are intimidated and embarrassed to pass by the men multiple times each day, so they go to a toilet outside the building. Gender advisors at IDLG in Kabul and staff from

RAMP-UP West agree that municipalities and PGOs will continue to have a difficult time recruiting and retaining women until the institutions provide sufficient office space, in decent physical condition, and separate women’s toilets.

8 USAID/SUPPORT II, Performance Evaluation: Support to SNG Structures, Kabul, 2013.

Inequitable access to resources impacts female councilors’ ability to be effective. For example, women are hindered from traveling to districts to visit constituents and monitor development because they have less access to transportation than male colleagues do.

According to a DoWA Director, transportation is costly and women are not given the same transportation privileges as men. A female councilor claims that she is repeatedly denied transportation funds to visit districts from the NDI project that supported the PCO, while male councilors are given transportation funds.

Equitable access to resources is inextricably linked to merit-based decisions and equitable pay. Yet recruiting and retaining women on a merit basis would require substantial reform to the tashkil system; increased transparency in recruitment processes; and quotas. DfID’s governance work is focused on merit-based reform to the tashkil, while the World Bank’s civil service reform program, Capacity Building for Results, is focused on reforming the pay and grading system, retaining highly qualified staff, and integrating them into tashkil positions through salary top-ups. Quotas for women – including receipt of salary top-ups – could increase their participation in the reform process, and could mitigate women’s aversion to joining the civil service.

2. FUNCTIONS AND CAPACITY

a. The Different Roles of Male and Female PCs

The mandate of provincial councilors is to increase citizen representation in governance through communication with constituents and development stakeholders, and to provide oversight of government services and development processes in accordance with the best interests of citizens. Female councilors interact extensively with constituents, particularly female constituents, and effectively serve as a bridge between the government and the people at a grassroots level. However, female councilors are far more restricted in their capacity to provide oversight to development processes and government, due to the centralized nature of the Afghan Government and to women’s marginalization from monitoring development activities.

The 2013 USAID SNG project performance evaluation reports that the majority of provincial councilors’ time is spent “solving cases.” This is particularly true for female councilors who serve a role of social worker and ombudsman, attempting to resolve individual complaints brought to councilors at their office, home, and through phone calls. One female Provincial

Councilor, reports that between 110 and 150 constituents come through the PCO daily. In some cases, councilors travel to the districts and assemble gatherings of women to hear about their problems and needs. Female councilors primarily assist female constituents, thus providing the only way that most women can access government services. While critical, the role of social worker monopolizes councilors’ time and diminishes the perception of their mainstream value in governance. The role is also expensive for councilors as they are expected to provide hospitality for constituents who visit their homes, and sometimes stay for meals or overnight if they have travelled from remote areas.

The most common reason for women visiting female provincial councilors is to seek assistance in addressing cases of domestic abuse. In Logar, women commonly visit the PCO for land issues and compensation for martyred family members; in Wardak, they come to acquire tashkera (identity) cards, advocate for imprisoned family members, and to resolve tribal or village disputes; in Zabul, they come for family disputes, tashkera cards, and human rights abuses. One female councilor describes helping a woman whose husband had been kidnapped by the Taliban, and were demanding ransom for his release. Other female councilors advocate for citizens facing government corruption issues and collaborate with civil society organizations.

Both male and female stakeholders praise women councilors’ competence in assisting constituents. Some comment that women are harder working than men, more punctual, less corrupt, spend more time in the PCO and with their constituents, and are more sincere in their desire to serve people. One Provincial Councilor opined that people prefer dealing with women because they are less corrupt. “Men act like commanders, and just bark orders, rather than doing anything,” she says. “They only look at what they gain for themselves.”

The perception (or reality) that women are less prone to corruption is most likely attributable to their less established patronage networks. Because women have less experience in public life and have few female models and mentors to emulate, women typically have less developed political skills like diplomacy and negotiation. The result is that they are shut-out of the behind-the-scenes interactions that are the foundation of decision-making and power in

Afghanistan. A DoWA Director reports that the governor is inaccessible to her, which has caused her to miss work deadlines; women councilors report waiting up to six months to get a meeting with the governor.

The situation is clearly double-edged however, as councilors’ effectiveness is typically tied to their political currency and clout. One female councilor expressed that international support is critical for women running for office in the next election, otherwise “we do not stand a chance against the men who have enough money and power to buy votes. Most councilors are elected according to what and who they have in their back pocket and from support from the governor.”

Afghanistan’s extreme political centralization impacts men and women differently.

Councilors are typically dependent upon provincial governors to accomplish their mandate;

female councilors often lack the political currency to get access to, or influence the governor as easily as their male counterparts. PCs lack budgetary independence and need to court national government structures and figures to advocate for the province’s financial development needs. Female councilors interviewed have little if any functional relationships with MPs who could lobby for support. This dramatically diminishes the female PCs’ value to the province. As one female PC member observes, “Without reform of the centralized structure, there is little hope the tashkil can reform sufficiently to enable women’s participation.” Devolving power to subnational entities could alter the power imbalance between appointed positions, almost exclusively occupied by men, and elected positions, where women do hold positions but hold less power.

Yet, the extremely centralized government system that relies on political appointees leads to personality-driven governance, a system that excludes women. While a few women may play the patronage game, an alternative scenario involves women serving as catalysts for reform by joining the ranks of the civil service, provincial councils, and MABs. As an advisor at the

World Bank explains, “A female district governor appointed on merit is much different to deal with than a strongman appointed on patronage. The individual’s motivations are different, and people come with different requests and for different reasons than to a political appointee.”

While women provincial councilors are effective in directly serving constituents, their engagement (and therefore effectiveness) in oversight of provincial development is much weaker. The cultural restrictions forced and presumed on women limits their visits to districts to monitor development projects. This impacts the perception of women’s performance as elected representatives and thus their credibility. It also limits the influence they can exercise over development planning in their province. One PC member says that female PCs are not usually invited to opening ceremonies for projects and are not given information on work plans and monitoring plans. Another councilor says that in order to effectively monitor, they need to be trained. “We can see how something looks from the outside, but we do not have the technical capacity to evaluate the efficacy of a project.”

b. Training and Learning

Female provincial counselors have participated in a plethora of one-off trainings. One female

PC member is proud to have more than 450 training certificates. Another PC member describes her training experience:

I went to training by NDI, many of them, in Kabul. Topics were women’s rights, how to engage constituents in the districts, how to communicate with people in the districts. We attended one on media and another on monitoring and evaluation. I can’t remember all of them. I think about 20 or 25 different trainings over the past four years. There was something with the LARA Project and we did seven trainings with them on land ownership and these things. Women for Women International and

HAWCA did training on women’s rights. UNICEF did one on children.

It comes as no surprise that interviewees express fatigue with “trainings” as the primary method for assistance and call for alternative approaches such as long-term learning with specific objectives and one-on-one coaching and technical assistance. As a member of the

GDMA explains, “We have found on-the-job training and mentoring to be most effective.

There is no clear learning objective with classroom “trainings.” People just sit and listen passively and we find minimal impact when we assess effectiveness.” A provincial Director of Economy also points out, “there has been $5 billion spent on workshops and meetings all over Afghanistan, but where are the results?”

Female PCs cite computer literacy and English language as foundational needs that will facilitate their participation at a broader level with donors and with international learning opportunities. UNDP plans to deliver English classes for some female PCs in 2013. GDMA is planning to computerize all municipalities and to provide internet, although it is not known whether steps are being taken to ensure that women are equitably included. Across SNG offices, there is little congruity between those who have computers and those who know how to use them. For example, in at least one municipality visited, a female employee has a computer but does not know how to use it. In Zabul, the PCO has computers although reportedly, no one knows how to use them. The Kabul City Initiative (KCI) performance evaluation conducted in 2013 reveals a number of women who are computer literate but are not assigned computers, while men who are not computer literate have been assigned computers.

“Gender trainings” have figured prominently among the many training sessions delivered in recent SNG projects. According to stakeholders, most gender training have included only women, or men and women staff together, but rarely, if ever, for men only. Content has focused on international conventions and Afghan law rather than more pragmatic discussions of how gender equity benefits all of society and is truer to Islam than the current gender dynamic. A review of the gender training curricula of SNG projects and from IDLG’s gender unit reveal materials hastily cobbled together, drawing on pedantic sources and national policies, rather than materials that are relevant, address strategic objectives, and are applicable to the local context.

3. WOMEN’S ACCESS TO GOVERNMENT

Both women and men interviewed consistently cite insecurity as a major barrier to women’s access to SNG, preventing them from travelling from districts to the center. A PCO employee says that few women visit the PCO due to insecurity and people are afraid to work with the government due to Taliban threats. BBC Media Action research indicates that Afghans prefer to refer issues to traditional elders rather than to the government, in part due to negative experiences in dealing directly with the government. Such negative experiences can serve to devalue democracy in the eyes of Afghans.”

Women also tend to avoid government institutions that are all-male, particularly in rural areas. These findings echo those of an earlier study by Democracy International.

9 BBC Media Action (2012), Research Summary: Exploring Governance in Afghanistan, pp. 1-2.

10 Democracy International (2012). Survey on Political Institutions, Elections and Democracy in Afghanistan.

Women’s lack of access to subnational government sometimes means that women have no choice but to resort to informal governance mechanisms where their rights are poorly protected. A recent study in Logar found that both men and women avoid interacting with the government on issues related to justice (such as inheritance disputes) because such services typically require payment of a bribe. In districts where there is a Taliban presence, some shuras refer cases to the Taliban, who reportedly arrive in villages on their motorbikes, conduct quick trials, and swiftly issue a verdict without demanding a bribe.

Yet such informal justice mechanisms treat women as chattel as they have no voice in decision making, are not allowed to speak during a ‘trial,’ and are required to be accompanied by a mahram to attend shura-led dispute resolution and Taliban trials. As a result, women are rendered completely dependent upon men to decide their fate

In addition to operating shadow governmental institutions, Taliban also directly target women engaged in SNG. A female provincial councilor has effectively (although not officially) resigned from her duties following an assassination attempt after which she relocated to

Kabul out of fear of further attacks. Other female councilors report that men frequently repeat this story as a passive aggressive threat and a constant reminder of danger in order to discourage women from continuing to work as councilors. A significant number of women in prominent SNG roles have been assassinated, including two successive directors of women’s affairs in Laghman during 2012 and a female PC member of Kandahar in 2009. Untold numbers of others have survived brutal attempts on their lives

4. DONOR COORDINATION OF GENDER IN SNG

A lack of donor coordination in SNG overall, and towards gender in particular, has resulted in missed opportunities to use gender mainstreaming strategies to further broader efforts in governance reform. According to the USAID SNG project performance evaluation, there is no evidence of systematic collaboration between NDI and UNDP’s ASGP II, despite the projects sharing beneficiaries and sites.

ASGP II occasionally brings together female PCs in regional and national gatherings. The program has explicit plans to increase the number of female staff in the PCOs and to make

PGOs more female-friendly.

The “gender activities” (i.e., activities focused on women) conducted by most SNG projects are often perfunctory, added as an afterthought, and with little attention to sustained results.

The Gender Advisor to the Kabul City Initiative reports that the comprehensive strategic plan for gender mainstreaming in the municipality had no support for implementation or

11 Interview, Researcher, World Bank study, September 9, 2013 12 USAID/SUPPORT II. Performance Evaluation: Support to SNG Structures. Kabul. 2013.

sustainability; tashkil staff were not interested in assuming her responsibilities or continuing activities when the project ended. While the Support to SNG Structures project had an objective of ‘increasing female councilors’ capacity to engage in development planning,’ the project did not track outcome or impact of training.

Although RAMP-UP has “gender” (i.e., woman-focused) activities that it refers to as…