Attachment_5.Youths _Radicalisation _and_Affiliation_with_Insurgent_Groups_in_Northern_Nigeria.pdf

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ATTACHMENT 5: SOL-620-14-000012

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Youths, Radicalisation and Affiliation with Insurgent Groups in Northern

Nigeria iii

(C) CLEEN Foundation 2014

First published in 2014

By CLEEN Foundation

Lagos Office:

21 Akinsanya Street

Taiwo Bus stop

Ojodu, Ikeja

Lagos, Nigeria

Tel: +234-1-7612479

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26 Bamenda Street

Off Abidjan Street

Wuse Zone 3

Abuja, Nigeria

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+234-9-8708379

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Plot 10, Area M Road 3, World Bank Housing Estate

Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria

Tel: +234-083-823104

Email: cleen@cleen.org

Website: www.cleen.org

ISBN: 978-978-51062-8-2

© All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, photocopying, mechanical, recording or otherwise, without the prior approval of the CLEEN Foundation.

Cover Concept: Gabriel Akinremi

Editing: Isu Media Ltd: 09-7805084 |08091443322 | www.isumedia.net.ng iv v

Table of Contents

Preface.................................................................................................................................... viii

Acknowledgement..................................................................................................................ix

Executive Summary.................................................................................................................x

Chapter 1

BACKGROUND

INTRODUCTION

RADICALISATION: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

UNDERSTANDING THE BOKO HARAM

CHAPTER 2

METHODOLOGY

CHAPTER 3

BORNO STATE

INTRODUCTION

BORNO STATE: THE STUDY SETTING

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 4

YOBE STATE

BACKGROUND

YOBE STATE: THE STUDY SETTING

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

MAJOR FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 5

GOMBE STATE

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INTRODUCION

RELIGIOUS EXTREMISM IN GOMBE STATE

LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

MAJOR FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 6

KADUNA STATE

INTRODUCTION

LIMITATION OF THE STUDY

DISCUSSION AND FINDINGS

KEY FINDINGS

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 7

KANO STATE

INTRODUCTION

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

MAJOR FINDINGS AND DISCUSSIONS

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 8

SOKOTO STATE

INTRODUCTION

SOKOTO STATE

VIOLENCE IN SOKOTO STATE

METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

MAJOR FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

CONCLUSION

CHAPTER 9

MAJOR FINDINGS, RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSION

KEY FINDINGS OF THE REPORT

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RECOMMENDATIONS

CONCLUSION

BIBLIOGRAPHY

APPENDIX 1

QUESTIONAIRE

APPENDIX 2

KEY INFORMANT INTERVIEW GUIDE

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Preface

The outbreak of domestic terrorism instanced by the violent activities of groups such as the

Jama’atuAhlissunnahlidda’awatiwal Jihad (aka Boko Haram) and the

Jama'atuAnsarulMusilimina Fi Biladis Sudan (aka Ansaru) is generally viewed as the

‘mother’ of all violent conflicts currently afflicting Nigeria. Although the sect’s name has changed over the years – Muhajirun, Yusufiyyah, Nigerian Taliban, – its core mission is to overthrow the Nigerian state and impose strict Islamic Sharia law on Northern Nigeria. Its ideology is rooted in Salafi jihadism and its actions driven by Takfirism.

Since July 2009 when it provoked a short-lived anti-government uprising in northern

Nigeria, the sect has mounted serial attacks that have placed it in media spotlight, both locally and internationally. The sect is now feared for its ability to mount both ‘low-scale’ and audacious attacks in Nigeria. It has staged attacks targeting mainly security and law enforcement agents, in addition to attacks on civilians, critical infrastructure, community or religious leaders, centres of worship, markets, schools, and media houses, among others. Its tactics include use of improvised explosive devices, targeted assassinations, drive-by shootings and suicide bombings. By December 2013, the sect is reported to have carried out over 300 attacks in Northern Nigeria. These attacks are estimated to have cost several lives since 2009, including deaths caused by the security forces. The 26 August 2011 bombing of the United Nations headquarters in Abuja that killed 23 people was devastating evidence that the group aims to internationalize its acts of terror.

This research comes at a critical point in Nigeria's history when the activities of violent extremist groups have resulted to different degrees of insecurity in the country particularly in the northern region. The solution to the situation has remained daunting, as the government in its efforts to bring solution, continues to use the most prevalent approach, which is hinged on the use of the military to contain the crisis. The much-desired outcome of peace and stability seems to elude Nigeria as a country as Nigerians continue to be killed and displaced by their deadly activities. The Boko Haram group seems to be expanding on its network through its recruitment of young Nigerians.

On this premise, CLEEN Foundation conducted a research to understand why young

Nigerians are prone to joining the Boko Haram group. The aim of the study is to provide a better understanding of the underlying drivers of radicalisation in northern Nigeria, and proffer alternative approaches to addressing the crisis.

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Acknowledgement

The CLEEN Foundation is grateful to the many individuals, groups and organizations who contributed to this publication. First, we are grateful to the United

States Institute of Peace (most especially David R. Smock, Vice President, Governance, Law & Society and Director, Religion and Peace-making Centre) for making this project and publication possible through its funding support.

We acknowledge the invaluable contribution of the lead researcher, Dr. Freedom

Onuoha, Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National

Defence College, Abuja, for his commitment and expertise throughout the study and this publication.

We wish to thank our researchers from the six focal states who worked tirelessly for the success of the study that led to this publication.

We appreciate the support of the CLEEN Foundation team led by the Executive

Director, 'Kemi Okenyodo for their commitments and dedication to the realisation of the project’s objectives and Valkamiya Ahmadu, Senior Program Officer, CLEEN

Foundation, who closely managed the entire process.

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Executive Summary

The violent activities of the Boko Haram sect in Nigeria, which draws its members largely from the youth, have underpinned growing concern over youth radicalisation and religious extremism in Northern Nigeria. Radicalisation as it is understood here entails the process by which an individual or group transits from a state of passive reception of revolutionary, militant or extremist views, ideas and beliefs to active pursuit of the ideals of such views, ideas and beliefs, especially through supporting, promoting or adopting violence as a means to achieving such intentions. It is such transition that underlies violent extremism or terrorism. Against this backdrop, this study examined the reason young Nigerians are inclined to being part of insurgent groups, particularly Boko Haram. The aim of the study was to provide a better understanding of the underlying drivers of radicalisation in Northern Nigeria, and proffer alternative approaches to addressing the crisis. The specific objectives of the study were to:

� Provide an empirical understanding and assessment of the push and pull factors between youth, radicalisation and affiliation with insurgent groups in the northern part of Nigeria;

� Identify the patterns, prevalence and potential threats of youth radicalisation to the security situation in Northern Nigeria; and

� Proffer actionable recommendations on how to tackle the root causes of the crisis.

The study gathered evidence of the drivers of radicalisation in Northern Nigeria through a combination of desk review of secondary materials such as media reports, databases, policy reports, and academic literature, and primary research involving the conduct of key informant interviews, administration of questionnaires and focus group discussions. Commissioned consultants and researchers conducted the field study in two towns in six states in Northern Nigeria – Borno, Gombe, Kaduna, Kano, Sokoto, and Yobe – selected for the study.

It found that ignorance of the true teachings of the religion (Islam) provides the most important source through which youths acquire radical or distorted views of religion, often propagated by roaming (independent) preachers. Furthermore, economic

(poverty and unemployment) as well as socio-cultural factors (poor parental xi upbringing or neglect of children) underpin young people’s vulnerability to recruitment and radicalisation by extremist or terrorist groups. The study also found that the excesses of security forces are not a ‘major’ factor in youth radicalisation, contrary to the popular assumption in some quarters. However, obvious shortcomings of security forces deployed in counter Boko Haram operations need to be urgently addressed by the appropriate authorities.

In order to effectively respond to the problem of youth radicalisation and extremism in Northern Nigeria, the study recommended, among others, better monitoring and regulation of religious preaching in Nigeria; creation of job opportunities for the youth; delivery of robust rehabilitation programmes for destitute children; expansion of access to quality education; and promotion of peace education.

In view of some limitations encountered, the study concluded that there was still much to be done in unpacking the intricacies of youth radicalisation, particularly in relation to the specificities of each state where the phenomenon of radicalisation has and is taking place in Northern Nigeria. Notwithstanding, the utility of the study lies in the fact that it has taken the very important first step towards understanding the key drivers of youth radicalisation and extremism in Northern Nigeria through an empirical research. The distance it has not covered should inform further action on the part of government, civil society groups and academics in the quest to find the drivers of, and sustainable solutions to, growing radicalisation and extremism in

Nigeria.

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Chapter 1

BACKGROUND

Freedom C. Onuoha PhD

Research Fellow

Centre for Strategic Research and Studies

National Defence College

PMB 323 Herbert Macaulay Way

Abuja, Nigeria

INTRODUCTION

The return to democracy in Nigeria in May 1999 brought hopes of rapid development and political stability to Nigeria. However, the last decade has experienced an upsurge in violent conflicts and criminality, which tended to undermine those expectations. The violence and criminality have come in the form of armed robbery, kidnapping, drug trafficking, arms smuggling, human trafficking and militancy among others.

Particularly worrisome is the frequency and intensity of violent conflicts.

Nigeria’s internal security has been significantly undermined by violent activities of armed non-state actors, largely made up of radicalised youth groups as foot soldiers.

Prominent among these groups are the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger

Delta (MEND), the O’Odua Peoples Congress (OPC), the Arewa People’s Congress

(APC), Bakassi Boys, Egbesu Boys, the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign

State of Biafra (MASSOB), and more recently, Boko Haram, Ansaru, ‘Kala-Kato’, and

Ombatse, among others.

While these groups have evolved and transformed over time and have equally engaged in different forms of violent activities, what is common among them is the role of the youth as critical actors. In particular, the Boko Haram has leveraged on the vulnerability of the Nigerian youth to deepen their process and drive for recruitment and radicalisation. Many believe that the sympathizers of the group are mostly disaffected and unemployed youths who live in hostile environment, with challenges spanning economic, social, and political deprivations.

The emergence of the Boko Haram has caused the climate of fear and insecurity.

Although the movement had incubated in Northern Nigeria since the early 2000s, it however attracted worldwide attention beginning from 26 July 2009, when it waged a violent anti-government uprising that killed over 800 people, including civilians, group’s members, and security personnel. The revolt attracted one of the heaviest security crackdowns in Nigerian history. The five-day revolt ended on 30 July when

Boko Haram’s charismatic leader, Mohammed Yusuf, was captured and subsequently executed by the police while in their custody.

Since the 2009 uprising, the group’s tactics have evolved from poorly planned open confrontations with state security forces to increasing use of improvised explosive devices (IEDs), targeted assassinations, ambush, drive-by shootings and suicide bombings (Onuoha 2012a). Although its operation focused primarily on Maiduguri, Borno State, various depressing episodes of their attacks have also occurred in other states in the North East, like Yobe, Gombe, Bauchi and Adamawa. They have also been recorded in some states in the North West such as Kaduna and Kano and in Abuja, Niger, Kogi and Plateau States in the North Central. To date, exact statistics on the death toll resulting from their attacks is hard to count, however, a recent article claimed that violence linked to the group’s insurgency has resulted in an estimated 10,000 deaths between 2001 and 2013 (Odeh, 2014:22).

The Nigerian government has responded with ‘hard security’ or kinetic measures to weaken the group, in the form of deportation of illegal immigrants, capacity building of security forces on counter terrorism, closure of international borders, and deployment of a joint military task force, among others. Of note are the deployment, in June 2011, of a Joint Task Force (JTF) to help restore order to Borno State and the setting up of

Presidential Committee on the Security Challenges in the North- East Zone of Nigeria.

In January 2012, President Goodluck Jonathan declared a state of emergency in 15 local governments across four states in the North. By July 2012 when the state of emergency ceased, the security crisis had not been addressed. In May 2013, President Jonathan again declared a state of emergency in the three most-affected states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe. The military surge initially reduced the frequency of attacks in major towns and cities in the North, prompting the military to claim that its offensive in the

North-East had put Boko Haram in disarray. The recent spate of violence however suggests otherwise.

Although security forces have been able to arrest or kill some of the sect’s known commanders, the ability of the group to continue to mount brutal isolated attacks as well as recruit followers to replace killed members have raised questions over the efficacy of military or kinetic response to the four-year insurgency in Northern Nigeria.

More so, it has raised concerns over the resilience of the group in fuelling radicalisation of Nigeria’s youth, especially in Northern Nigeria.

It is against this background that the CLEEN Foundation undertook this mapping study to examine the reason young Nigerians are inclined to being part of insurgent groups, particularly Boko Haram. The study aims at providing a better understanding of the issues involved and proffering alternative approaches to addressing the crisis. The specific objectives of the study are to:

� Provide an empirical understanding and assessment of the push and pull factors between youth, radicalisation and affiliation with insurgent groups in the northern part of Nigeria;

� Identify the patterns, prevalence and potential threats of youth radicalisation to the security situation in Northern Nigeria; and

� Proffer actionable recommendations based on reliable field reports on how to tackle the root causes of the crisis.

RADICALISATION: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK

The concept of radicalisation is not only central to this mapping study, but is also a subject that has gained significant currency in usage by government officials, media practitioners, scholars and security officials in discourses on terrorism and violent extremism. It is apposite to clarify the way it is understood and applied to this study, before delving into the diverse discourses in the six northern states that the study was carried out.

Since the 11 September 2001 attacks on the United States, attention on this phenomenon continues to increase. Yet there is no single definition of the term that is generally agreed upon by its diverse users. As Schmid has rightly noted, “the terms

‘radicalisation’ and ‘de-radicalisation’ are used widely, but the search for what exactly

‘radicalisation’ is, what causes it and how to ‘de-radicalise’ those who are considered radicals, violent extremists or terrorists, is a frustrating experience” (Schmid 2013:1).

Ashour, for instance, posits that radicalisation is “a process of relative change in which a group undergoes ideological and/or behavioural transformations that lead to the rejection of democratic principles (including the peaceful alternation of power and the legitimacy of ideological and political pluralism) and possibly to the utilisation of violence, or to an increase in the levels of violence, to achieve political goals” (Ashour

2009:4). For Sodipo, radicalisation is “a process by which an individual or group adopts extreme political, social, or religious ideals that reject the status quo, undermine contemporary ideas regarding freedom of choice and expression, and condone violence to achieve ideological ends, including undertaking terrorist acts” (Sodipo 2013:4). It typically starts with changes in one’s self-identification. Grievances, frequently driven by personal or group concerns regarding local issues as well as international events, fuel this change. In the view of Schmid, radicalisation entails:

an individual or collective (group) process whereby, usually in a situation of political polarisation, normal practices of dialogue, compromise and tolerance between political actors and groups with diverging interests are abandoned by one or both sides in a conflict dyad in favour of a growing commitment to engage in confrontational tactics of conflict-waging. These can include either (i) the use of (non-violent) pressure and coercion, (ii) various forms of political violence other than terrorism or (iii) acts of violent extremism in the form of terrorism and war crimes. The process is, on the side of rebel factions, generally accompanied by an ideological socialisation away from mainstream or status quo-oriented positions towards more radical or extremist positions involving a dichotomous world view and the acceptance of an alternative focal point of political mobilisation outside the dominant political order as the existing system is no longer recognised as appropriate or legitimate (Schmid 2013:18).

Although there is no unanimity among scholars on the definition of the term, analysts are almost in agreement that radicalisation is a process. Factors that engender the radicalisation of individuals or groups have remained a subject of debate among experts. It has been argued that the causes of radicalisation are as diverse as they are abundant. In other words, experts believe that there is no single factor that leads an individual or even a group to become radicalised, but rather, it is the complex overlap of concurring and mutually reinforcing factors (see Evans and Neumann 2009; Kirby

2007; Ferrero 2005; Stern 2003).

To this end, a study on causal factors of radicalisation concludes that a complex interaction between factors at three levels – individual, external and social – is likely to be crucial for the intensity of the readiness for radicalisation (Danish Institute for

International Studies 2008). External factors manifest themselves independent of the individual. They shape and constrain people’s environment, but individuals have only minor influence on their environment. External factors can be subdivided into political, economic and cultural dimensions. Social factors refer to mechanisms that position the individual in relation to relevant others and hence can include people from in-groups as well as out-groups.

Wiktorowitcz has identified four interrelated stages of the radicalisation process as follows: i) cognitive opening whereby individuals conditioned by both internal and external factors like economic and social circumstances become receptive to new ideas;

ii) religious seeking during which individuals seek religious understanding of the issues; iii) frame alignment where the new ideas which are often radical in nature become meaningful to them, and iv) Socialisation during which individuals internalise radical ideas that enable them to join extremist groups (Beutel 2007). This process may not entirely explain the circumstances for all radicalised people and Islamic groups but certainly illuminates how youths get radicalised in the West and other parts of the world.

These factors can manifest in different forms depending on the individual and context.

However, agreement tends to revolve around a broad set of parameters that act as ingredients in the radicalisation process: grievance, ideology, mobilisation, and tipping points. While grievance is understood to be the sense of alienation or disenchantment that provides a cognitive opening, ideology entails the extreme set of ideas that provides the individual with a new outlook and explanation for the world an individual finds him or herself. Mobilisation captures the process by which the individual is slowly integrated into a community of individuals who are like-minded and create a self-reinforcing community, and finally, tipping points are the specific events that push an individual or group from rhetoric to action (Beutel 2007). External forces can also facilitate and reinforce these factors.

While these varying definitions and explanatory frameworks illuminate our understanding of radicalisation, it is important to bear in mind that what attracts young people to radical behaviour differs from person to person with the most important being the individual factor. As experts have argued, “the part to radicalisation is a highly individualised one, with very different characteristics from a person to person”

(Vidino, Pantucci and Kohlmann 201:230). According to the Danish Institute for

International Studies (DIIS), radicalisation is a gradual process that, although it can occur very rapidly, has no specifically defined beginning or end-state (Danish Institute for International Studies 2008: 6). Rather, radicalisation is an individual development that is initiated by a unique combination of causal factors and that comprises a drastic change in attitudes and behaviour.

This study, therefore, defines radicalisation as the process by which an individual or group transits from a state of passive reception of revolutionary, militant or extremist views, ideas and beliefs to active pursuit of the ideals of such views, ideas and beliefs, especially through supporting, promoting or adopting violence as a means to achieving such intentions. It is such transition that underlies violent extremism or terrorism.

In the light of the foregoing, the critical challenge is to uncover the reason young people are inclined to being part of insurgent groups in Northern Nigeria, particularly Boko

Haram. Since youth radicalisation within the context of Nigeria is best demonstrated by the activities of the Boko Haram, an overview of the origin, philosophy and activities of the group is appropriate here to foreground the discourse on the drivers of radicalisation interrogated in the six states in Northern Nigeria – Borno, Gombe, Kaduna, Kano, Sokoto, and Yobe.

UNDERSTANDING THE BOKO HARAM

As Adibe has recently noted, “though Boko Haram has dominated the security discourse in Nigeria since early 2010, nearly everything about the sect still remains contested – from the meaning of its name to the reasons for its emergence and radicalisation, and whether it has connection with foreign terrorist groups such as Al

Shabaab in Somalia, and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM)” (Adibe2013:10).

It is not clear when the Boko Haram came into being. A common account of the origin of the Boko Haram often offered by the media traces it to 2002, when a charismatic preacher, Mohammed Yusuf, became the leader of the group. To the intelligence community in Nigeria, however, its true historical root dates back to 1995, when

Abubakar Lawan established the Ahlulsunnawal’jama’ahhijra or Shabaab group (Muslim

Youth Organisation) in Maiduguri, Borno State (Taiwo and M. Olugbode 2009:4;

Adisa2012). The group flourished as a non-violent movement until 2002, when

Mohammed Yusuf assumed leadership of the sect. Over time, the group has incarnated under various names like the Muhajirun, Hijrah, AhlisSunnahwalJama’a, Yusufiyyah sect and Nigerian Taliban, among others (Onuoha 2013a).

The ideology of the sect is premised on the orthodox Islamic teaching slightly resembling that of the Taliban in Afghanistan and Pakistan, which treats anything western as completely un-Islamic (Sani 2011). It abhors conventional banking system, taxation, jurisprudence, civil service and western education as infidel or inimical with the tenets of Islam. It is the rejection of these [Western] institutions that earned the group its popular name—Boko Haram, literally meaning ‘Western education is forbidden’. The term Boko Haram is derived from a combination of the Hausa word boko, meaning ‘book’, and the Arabic word Haram, which means forbidden. However, the group prefers to be called by its real name--Jama’atuAhlissunnahLidda’awatiwal Jihad, meaning a "People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and

Jihad".

Its core objective is to replace the secular Nigerian state with a strict Islamic Sharia law, applicable throughout the entire country. The Boko Haram draws its members mainly from disaffected youths, unemployed graduates, and destitute children, mostly from but not limited to Northern Nigeria. Members also come from neighbouring countries like Cameroon, Chad, Niger and Sudan. The sect’s membership also includes some wealthy, educated and influential people. For instance, it is alleged that Alhaji Buji Foi, an ex-commissioner in Borno State; Kadiru Atiku, a former university lecturer; and

Bunu Wakil, a very rich Borno-based contractor, are members of BH (Agbo 2011).

The Boko Haram group is known to sustain its operations through diverse sources of funding. Of these, four major financing streams stand out: membership dues, donation from some politicians, financial assistance from foreign terrorist groups; raiding of banks; and ransom from kidnapping (Onuoha 2013a). The group is also alleged to engage in extortion of money from local residents of areas it had controlled as well as from wealthy persons who they intimidate into paying ‘protection fee’ to avoid being attacked by them.

Although the exact date of the sect’s emergence still remains a subject of debate among security agents, commentators and writers, there is near consensus that the sect’s resort to violence in pursuit of its objective dates back to 24 December 2003, when it attacked police stations and public buildings in the towns of Geiam and Kanamma in Yobe State.

Members occupied the two buildings for several days, hoisting the flag of Afghanistan’s

Taliban movement over the camps. A joint “operation of soldiers and police dislodged the group after killing 18 and arresting dozens of its members” (Suleiman 2007:25). The sect had earlier established a base called ‘Afghanistan’ in Kanamma village in northern

Yobe State.

Around this period, Mohammed Yusuf was already becoming charismatic to the youths in Maiduguri for his preaching about the excesses of government officials culminating in his frequent declaration of secular education as haram (Arabic word meaning forbidden) to Muslims. However, it must be understood that the ideology that secular education is forbidden [to Muslims] is not new in Northern Nigeria but those with such beliefs have never been violent to enforce such beliefs on others. The group under

Yusuf’s spiritual leadership and command “strove for self-exclusion of its members from the mainstream corrupt society by living in areas outside or far away from society in order to intellectualise and radicalise the revolutionary process that would ultimately lead to violent overthrow of the Nigerian state” (Isa 2010:333). His preaching attracted unemployed youths from Yobe and Borno states, and even from neighbouring countries such as Niger and Chad.

The activities of his group became more worrisome from 2004 when students, especially in tertiary institutions in Borno and Yobe states, who constituted the sect’s members, withdrew from school, tore up their certificates and joined the group. By disassociating from the large society, members became more indoctrinated by the ideologues who inculcated in them anti-secular ideologies. On 21 September 2004 members attacked

Bama and Gworza police stations in Borno State, killing several policemen and stealing arms and ammunition (Onuoha 2012b). It maintained intermittent hit-and-run attacks on security posts in some parts of Borno and Yobe States until the famous July 2009 anti-government uprising in Nigeria.

The remote cause of the July 2009 revolt is often traced to the fatal shooting of members of the sect on 11 June 2009, by men of the Operation Flush following a clash with members of the sect for not wearing crash helmet while on their motorbike for a funeral process. The leader, Mohammed Yusuf, threatened to revenge the killing of his members (Sani 2011). When security operatives later received a tipoff that the sect was planning to strike from their base in Dutse-Tanshi in Bauchi State, they invaded the place and made an arrest of nine members of the group (Ohia 2009). In retaliation, the members attacked and destroyed the DutsenTanshi police station on 26 July.

The attack on the Dutsen Tanshi police station was the curtain raiser for a wave of unrest that manifested in Bauchi, Borno, Kano, Katsina, and Yobe States. The revolt ended on 30 July 2009, when their leader, Mohammed Yusuf, was finally captured in a goat pen in his residence in Maiduguri. After few hours in police custody, the Police murdered Yusuf extra judicially; although police officials claimed that he was killed while trying to escape (Onuoha 2010). Over 800 persons, mainly the sect’s members, were killed during the revolt, and hundreds of its members were also arrested and detained for formal trial. The way the 2009 revolt was repressed by the Nigerian State proved to be a critical factor in the deadly escalation of Boko Haram violent attacks.

Following the 2009 riot and the death of Yusuf, the sect went underground and re-strategized in two ways. First, was the adoption of Yusuf’s hard-line top deputy, Abubakar Shekau, as the sect’s new spiritual leader. Second was the redefinition of its tactics, which involved perfecting its traditional hit-and-run tactics and adding new flexible violent tactics such as bombings, targeted assassinations, ambush, and drive-by shootings (Onuoha 2013a).

Since the July 2009 revolt, the sect has evolved into a more dynamic and decentralised organisation, capable of changing and combing tactics as well as expanding or reordering target selection (Onuoha 2013b: 20). Boko Haram has attacked a variety of groups including security agents, Christians, traditional rulers, politicians, school children and teachers, Islamic scholars, public servants, traders and lately all non-members of the group. Most of the attacks occurred in Maiduguri, the capital city of

Borno State. In addition, the group has claimed responsibility for several attacks in

Adamawa, Bauchi, Gombe, Jigawa, Kaduna, Kano, Kogi, Niger, Plateau, and Yobe states, and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Abuja. The insecurity resulting from the insurgency of Boko Haram has led to a declaration of state of emergency in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe States since May 2013.

Several reports have shown that the foot soldiers of this sect consist predominantly of young people who are not only ready to fight, but also lay down their lives for the new cause they have been made to believe in. Based on analysis of 144 arrested Boko Haram members, a recent study has shown that the median age of the group members is 30 years (Salami 2013). Its young followers who previously used local and sophisticated arms in attacks, have become highly radicalised individuals willing to undertake suicide bombing in pursuit of martyrdom - a phenomenon that never manifested in

Nigeria until the 16 June 2011 suicide attack on Police Headquarters, Abuja, by a 35-year-old Boko Haram member, Mohammad Manga (Salkida 2011). This reinforces the concern over why young people are willing to join a group such as the Boko Haram. It is in this light that the next part of this study grapples with some of the issues underpinning youth radicalisation in northern states of Borno, Gombe, Kaduna, Kano, Sokoto, and Yobe.

CHAPTER 2

METHODOLOGY

Freedom C. Onuoha PhD

Research Fellow

Centre for Strategic Research and Studies

National Defence College

PMB 323 Herbert Macaulay Way

Abuja, Nigeria

The study gathered evidence of the drivers of radicalisation in Northern Nigeria through a combination of desk review and empirical research. The overall methodology comprised desk review of secondary materials such as available media reports, databases, policy reports, newspapers and academic literature, and primary research involving conduct of interviews and focus group discussion (FGD).

Commissioned consultants and experts conducted the field study in two towns in each of the six States in Northern Nigeria selected for the study. While table 1 details the

States and towns where field work was carried, Figure 1 shows the location of the

States. The field research was carried out between June and November 2013, by each respective State researcher. Key informant interviews (KII) were conducted with traditional leaders (District/Village/Ward or Hakimi), religious leaders (all religious groups), security officials, women leaders, and political leaders.

S/No. State Towns Selected

1 Borno State Maiduguri Town and Biu Town

2 Gombe State Gombe Town and Billiri LGA

3 Kano State Nasarawa, and Tarauni LGA

4 Kaduna State Zaria Town and Kaduna Town

5 Yobe State Damaturu and Potiskum Town

6 Sokoto State Sokoto Town and Shagari Town

More so, local level field research involved FGDs held with youth, women and faith groups. Semi-structured questionnaire was also administered to teachers (Primary, Secondary and University), community leaders, religious leaders, youths, civil society organisations, security agents (Police, SSS, Immigration, NSCDC, Prisons, Customs, Army, and vigilante groups), and women groups. Appendix 1 contains a sample of the questionnaire, while Appendix 2 contains the KII guide used for the field study. The sample size used for the questionnaire as well as the number of key informant interviews and FGD conducted by the State researchers varied significantly, owing basically to the unique challenges and limitations faced by them in their respective states. It could be said, therefore, that this is the major limitation of this study – the inability to have the standard sample size for questionnaire, KII and FGD across the six

States.

Figure 1: Map of Nigeria showing States where fieldworks were carried out

A stakeholder validation workshop was held on 19 December 2013, where preliminary results were presented and feedback received from participants. The comments, observations and suggestions made during the validation workshop were also used to enrich the final report.

CHAPTER 3

BORNO STATE

Abubakar Kawu Monguno

Department of Geography

Centre for Disaster Risk Management and Development Studies, University of Maiduguri, Nigeria

Borno State, until 2009, was rated among the most peaceful states in Nigeria hence its epithet ‘Home of Peace’ which has been generally acclaimed by the indigenes and migrant settlers alike. So peaceful and prosperous has been the state that many dry season migrants from Hausaland find it difficult to go back home for their rainy season farming chores for which reason the term Bornokәji (a Kanuri term meaning ‘Borno is sweet’) is used to describe these migrants. To some extent the same may be true for settlers from other parts of Nigeria who have regarded Borno as a second home through ownership of landed properties. This is nowhere better exemplified than the heavy presence of Igbo people (from South-East Nigeria) as landlords in Pompomari quarters of Maiduguri, the state capital. This long term peace enjoyed in Borno suddenly became threatened in 2009 when members of Jama’atuAhlusSunnaLiddawa’atiwal Jihad (literally, “People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad”) launched an attack on Maiduguri. Borno State, which is seen as one of the birthplaces and strongholds of the sect has borne much of the brunt of Boko Haram attacks. The escalation of attacks by the sect since 2009 marks the re-emergence of another phase of religious youth radicalism in Nigeria generally considered being counterproductive to the nation’s quest for integration and development.

The effect of youth radicalisation epitomised by Boko Haram’s insurgency in Borno

State has been quite enormous with heavy human and material losses, massive displacement of people at a scale never witnessed before from any natural or man-made disaster in the state. The effect on the state’s education has equally been worrisome; an estimated 6,000 classrooms have been destroyed and many schools were temporally closed down due to insecurity. Given that many factors are implicated within the context of radicalisation in Nigeria, uncovering the most probable causes to explain its occurrence will inform policy while also serving to advance academic discourse.

BORNO STATE: THE STUDY SETTING

Borno State lies in the extreme North-Eastern corner of Nigeria on latitudes 10˚ 30’ and

13˚ 50’ north and longitudes 11.00˚ and 13˚ 45’ east (fig. 1). It is bordered by Niger

Republic in the north, Chad and Cameroun Republics to the east, Adamawa and

Gombe States to the south, and Yobe State in the west. This makes Borno the only state bordered by three countries in Nigeria with enormous implications on the socio-economic and cultural aspects of the state’s development and governance. A discussion on the development of present day Borno is incomplete without reference to the past

Kanem-Borno region, a region which extends beyond the present boundary of Borno

State to include a large section of Nigeria’s northeast region and indeed parts of Niger, Cameroun and Chad Republics. There is a consensus of opinion among scholars to

Kanem-Borno as the gateway of Islam in Nigeria, Islam being declared the state religion of the Empire c.1096 AD (Alkali 1978). Colonial partitioning of the erstwhile Kanem-

Borno Empire and subsequent state creations in post-colonial Nigeria have reduced it to the present Borno State’s size of 75,481 square kilometres, though there still exists strong cultural linkages between its people irrespective of the boundaries. Borno State’s population is predominantly Muslim though a sizeable proportion of Christians are found in the south near the border with Adamawa State. Ethnically, the northern and central part of the state is Kanuri while the population in the south is mixed with

Babur/Bura being the dominant group. Other ethnic groups include Marghi, Glavda, Kibaku, Fulani, Shuwa Arab, Mandara, etc. Despite this rich history as well as religious and cultural diversity in the state, the people have coexisted peacefully without any major conflict until 2009.

Data Sources and Sampling Procedure

As discussed in Chapter 2, three instruments were used to obtain data for this study.

The main instrument was a questionnaire that sought to identify aspects of the socio-cultural, political and religious orientation of young people on a five-point Likert scale.

Specifically, it covers young people’s cultural beliefs and practices viz-a-vis their parents, vulnerability to violence, factors giving rise to religious violence, sources of extreme messages, etc. The questionnaire also contained a few open-ended options for respondents to freely express their opinions. Qualitative data was generated through focus group discussion (FGD) and key informant interviews (KIIs).

120 participants were selected and administered with the questionnaire through a convenient sampling technique in two major towns of Borno State. 70 questionnaires were administered in Maiduguri, the state capital, and 50 in Biu, due to its smaller population. The participants include teachers, security agents, youths, community and religious leaders, civil society organisations and women. In view of the volatile security nature of the state, participants were identified purposively with willingness to participate as the most important criterion. Since many of those who volunteered were literate, some of the questionnaires were self-completed. Two research assistants (one each in Maiduguri and Biu) were trained on the questionnaire administration and helped the researcher to generate data. Six FGDs were held in Maiduguri (two each for youth, religious, and women’s group). No FGD was held in Biu due to a security breach at the time of research. Sixteen key informant interviews were held (five in Biu and eleven in Maiduguri) with participants from a wide range of backgrounds including traditional, religious, women, and political leaders as well as security officials. Data were analysed through the use of percentages, totals and charts.

LIMITATIONS OF THE STUDY

Conducting a research bordering on security in an area as volatile as Borno may not be an easy task hence a few issues that may impinge on data quality need to be borne in mind. First, in spite of the simple selection procedure adopted, many respondents were uncomfortable with the interviews, especially Christians and security agents who in a few cases turned down the request understandably for fear of victimisation (many

Christians have in the past been targets of Boko Haram insurgency). Second, the sample size of 120 people used may not be adequately representative of the state’s population.

And third, the fact that FGD could not be held in Biu may be a drawback to the qualitative data generated. That no tape recorder was used could also introduce some bias but is in line with Loimeier’s view that interviewees were more forthcoming in a less formal atmosphere during interviews (Loimeier, 1997). This research did not focus on the members of any radical group or their targets but what a broad spectrum of the citizens of Borno State perceives about radicalisation. At best this may be called a perception study of radicalisation. While these issues may impinge on data quality, the information gathered overall us gives a ‘ground-breaking’ assessment of youth radicalisation in the state at the moment.

FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION

Value Differences between Young People and their Parents

Data obtained indicate overwhelming differences between young people and the older generation in their socio-cultural and political values. Table 2 shows that greatest difference between the young and older generation lies in their religious beliefs where

83% of respondents believe the difference is Much/Very Much. This is followed by difference in terms of social values (71% VeryMuch), cultural values (53%), and political values (47%). The largest difference in their religious beliefs is very instructive which partly explains why youths in the state are restive. This large value difference between young people and their parents was corroborated during the FGDs where all groups agreed to the difference and only 7% of the KIIs disagreed. In the latter it was gathered in particular that cultural and political differences are only minimal between young people and older generations, but difference was more apparent in religious matters.

The picture that emerged from the survey about whether youths are more or less conservative about religion than their parents does not seem to agree with the large difference between the two groups in their religious beliefs. Only 38% of respondents agreed that youths are more conservative about religion than older people. Qualitative data however suggests otherwise i.e. that youths are more conservative of religion than their parents. According to a respondent in one of the FGDs: ‘They copied it

(fundamentalism) from their parents and is overdoing it.’1

Table 2. Value Differences between Youths and their Parents (%)

Response Cultural Religious Political Social

Little/VeryLittle 43 17 50 29

Much/VeryMuch 53 83 47 71

Don’t know 4 0 3 1

Source: Field data, 2013

Religious Extremism and Violence among Youths

Youths are generally most likely to use violence for the enforcement of their religious beliefs. Data obtained shows that opinion on the use of violence to promote religion in

Borno State is nearly equally divided. About 43% of respondents believe that few young people are likely to use violence while 40% believe that most young people think it is proper to use violence to enforce religion. Quantitative data unfortunately was not

A female participant during a focus group discussion with Muslim women on 26th August 2013.

disaggregated on the basis of respondents’ religious affiliations to enable us understand which religious groups perceived youths as more fundamentalist. It is however instructive to note that in the FGDs conducted, five out of the six groups (including a

Christian youth group) suggested that there are not many youths who use violence to promote their religious beliefs. The only group that believes many youths engage in religious violence was a women’s professional group (all teachers). This may be due to the peculiar nature of their job i.e. close to the youths, which places them at a more vantage position to have information on the youths.

Whether or not youths hold more fundamental views than their parents could be less important than their present level of involvement in violence for religious ends, so the reason for such involvement was also investigated. Data collected showed that youths engage in religious violence for a multiplicity of reasons, which mostly centre on economic and social motivations (Fig. 2). By far the most important reason given by

40% of respondents is the belief that youths engage in religious-based violence primarily due to ignorance of the full teachings of their religion. This was followed by unemployment and poverty that prevail in the state (15%) and manipulation of religion by extremist religious leaders. This pattern of response is also not quite different from the opinion of respondents in both the key informant interviews and the FGDs. While opinion was divided in most FGDs on poverty, ignorance of the teachings of the religion (also mentioned by a Christian group), and poor parental upbringing were the most important reasons identified. Nine out of the fifteen key informants (56%) also cited economic reasons for violence. The opinion of a female respondent in one of the

FGD groups (teachers) which summarises the economic motivation was striking:

‘Poverty is the most important cause for violence to promote belief. A child who cannot feed well sees a

60-year-old man celebrating his birthday lavishly. He later thinks the person is responsible for his problems.’2

A female participant during a focus group discussion with teachers on 3rd September 2013.

Fig. 2. Reasons for Youth Involvement in Religious Violence

While youth involvement in extremism and religious violence may be caused by social and economic circumstances in which the youths find themselves, the avenues through which they get recruited into such violence is necessary for understanding restiveness.

Although there is hardly any conscious or deliberate plan for one to become radicalised, youth extremism in Borno State was identified to be acquired through a variety of sources that include independent (roaming) preachers, audio and video messages, homes (parents), foreign countries and regular worship centres. The most important source identified by 35% of respondents was independent preachers (Fig 3). This category of preachers may be best described as those who have not been recognised as

[Islamic] preachers by the Borno State Council of Ulama but nevertheless engage in public preaching, often shifting venues from one location to another. Needless to say

Mohammed Yusuf was uncertified by the Council of Ulama but for many years engaged in this type of preaching in Maiduguri and other major towns in Borno.

About 21% of the respondents identified recorded audio and video messages as the source through which youths become exposed to religious extremism. This source serves as an extension of the first in the sense that youths who may not have come in direct contact with extremist preachers acquire such views through recorded messages even though they could be thousands of kilometres away. Parents, recruitment for religious training abroad, and regular places of worship constitute 18%, 15% and 13% of sources identified by respondents respectively. This finding departs from similar studies conducted in western countries and in Kenya where the Internet constitutes a significant source through which youths acquire extremist views (see, for instance, by

Schmid 2013; Botha 2013). A striking opinion during one of the KIIs was the issue of forced recruitment, which was identified as another avenue through which Boko

Haram in particular gets youths into radicalism.3

Fig. 3. Sources of Religious Extremism by Youths in Borno State

Source: Fieldwork, 2013

Vulnerability of the youths to religious extremism and violence in Borno State differs between groups, but the pattern being similar to the reasons for youth involvement in religious violence discussed in the preceding…